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1) As Melanesian, Fiji and PNG at Least is Unapologetic if Shameless

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2) Melanesia Stands at a Crossroads, Which Way?
3) ULMWP brings petition from 150,000 West Papuans for Prime Minister
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1) As Melanesian, Fiji and PNG at Least is Unapologetic if Shameless


                                                                       Oktovianus Mote and Ham Lini – pacificpolicy.org

By Dan McGarry
Jayapura, Jubi – No matter how we slice and dice the issue of West Papuan independence, it always comes down to this: Do the indigenous peoples of a distinct and discrete land mass have the democratic right to self-determination or not?

The answer, according to international law and standards, is an unequivocal yes.
Even a cursory examination of history reveals that Indonesia has systematically ignored and subverted the desires of the people who share the island of Papua with their cultural and ethnic brethren and sistren in Papua New Guinea. They have oppressed these people using military force, and their policies in the region have from the beginning been designed to silence the voice of the indigenous people there.

Indonesian president Joko Widodo’s protestations notwithstanding, there is no free press in the Papuan provinces. Police and military continue to claim in the face of incontrovertible evidence that there is no unrest. And still they claim that even advocating for independence is a crime. Attending a peaceful demonstration is considered grounds for arrest and incarceration. Political activity can get you tortured or killed. Virtually all of the independence leaders living in exile have faced systematic persecution extending across borders. After he escaped prison and fled for his life, Benny Wenda faced years of forced immobility because of a flagrantly erroneous Interpol ‘red notice’, which falsely accused Mr Wenda of arson and murder.

Just last month, Mr Wenda was denied entry into the United States following an interview with US Homeland Security personnel. No reason was provided at the time. Presumably, the terrorist watch-list, or a similar international mechanism, is being used to curtail his visibility on the world stage.
It needs to be said that Jokowi, and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono before him, would do more if they could. But the plain truth is that civilian rule of law does not extend to the Papuan provinces. These frontier areas are the under the hegemony of the Indonesian military. The wealth they derive from this island is such that they are content to conduct what has been characterised as a ‘slow-motion genocide’ in order to perpetuate their own prosperity.
It’s despicable, frankly. But nobody seems to have either the power or the political will to end this tyranny. One can argue realpolitik, and claim that Indonesia is moving in the right direction, but it’s clear that politicians in Jakarta allow these depredations to continue on Melanesian peoples even while they take great strides to protect their ethnically Asian populations.
In editorial pages across the region, commentators are writhing and contorting themselves to try to find a dignified, elevated expression of the pending decision: Should the Melanesian Spearhead Group recommend full membership for the United Movement for the Liberation of West Papua? Will they do it?

The answer to each question is agonisingly simple: Yes, they should; and no, they will not.
Indonesia has already won this round. They won on the day that Voreqe Bainimarama reiterated that Indonesia’s territorial integrity was inviolate. They won doubly when he recommended them for associate membership in the MSG, a move that effectively kills the prospect of any dialogue concerning West Papuan independence in this forum.

The MSG operates on consensus. If there is no agreement, there is no action. Given the opposing stances that Vanuatu and Fiji have taken concerning the ULMWP, no compromise—let alone consensus—seems possible. And given the recent rise to power of Sato Kilman, widely considered to be Indonesia’s cats-paw in Vanuatu, membership for Indonesia is not out of the question.
Regional commentators and political figures wax poetic about the need for dialogue and inclusion. They ignore the rather inconvenient fact that West Papua’s MSG bid is a result of the fact that dialogue within Indonesia is not only impossible, it’s frequently fatal to those who attempt it.
It’s frankly infuriating to see the namby-pamby linguistic contortions that some of those involved have engaged in. Solomon Islands prime minister Manasseh Sogavare’s championship-level equivocation, advocating for observer status for the ULMWP and membership for Indonesia, simply closes the coffin and hands the nails to Indonesia. PNG prime minister Peter O’Neill’s ability to swallow his outrage over human rights abuses seems to increase right alongside his ability to attract Indonesian business interests.

But worst of all is Vanuatu’s deputy prime minister Moana Carcasses, who only last year made history with his presentation of West Papua’s plight to the United Nations. Now, he is reportedly professing that the issue is a difficult one, and that understanding and patience need to prevail.
Fiji, at least, is unapologetic, if shameless, in its stance.
The MSG cannot move out of this morass if it won’t speak clearly about the situation. There is a prima facie case for West Papuan membership in the MSG. If the fact that the chair is currently held by the New Caledonian independence movement weren’t evidence enough, then the words of support from MSG founding member Sir Michael Somare should suffice.
But ULMWP membership is unacceptable to Indonesia. And it has played its hand with care. Ensuring that even Australia did not remain on the sidelines, it prodded and pulled at everyone involved, and got the result that it wanted.

If the MSG is to retain even an iota of credibility, the only line that it can honestly take now is to admit that it cannot usefully function as a forum for discussions concerning Melanesian decolonialisation, because it lacks the strength to resist the overwhelming power of its neighbours.
It’s a fact: Melanesia is weak. There’s no shame in saying so. Indonesia is powerful—powerful enough even to give Australia pause. Indonesia has the will and the political and material resources necessary to ensure that West Papuan independence remains merely a dream for years yet to come. Likewise, armed resistance to an utterly ruthless military cannot succeed. The days of the OPM are past—if they ever existed.

The sooner we come to terms with these truths, the sooner ULMWP can begin developing effective tactics to counteract them. Those of us in Melanesia owe them at least that much. (*)
Dan McGarry is chief technologist at the Pacific Insititute of Public Policy. He has worked in the Pacific for over a decade now, assisting in numerous capacities in the development of ICTs in Vanuatu and the Pacific. He has extensive experience in technology policy formulation and implementation as well as in traditional and new media. He still writes software.
This article was published on http://pacificpolicy.org
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2) Melanesia Stands at a Crossroads, Which Way?
By Yamin Kagoya (Yikwanak)
Jayapura, Jubi – Melanesia Stands at a Crossroads, Which Way…? Indonesian, white man or Melanesian? The Indonesian way, the white man’s way or the Melanesian way?
The Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) summit in Honiara will soon consider an application that proposes West Papua be offered full membership. The application being put forward by the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) seeks to include the troubled province as a prominent contributor to dialogue regarding Melanesian affairs. Regardless of whether or not this proposal is accepted by the member countries of the MSG, the obvious international pressures that impel this debate must also prompt us to ask ourselves what it is to be Melanesian. Does the primacy of maintaining good relations with a powerful country like Indonesia supersede Melanesian solidarity, or are we able to transcend these pressures to define a common Melanesian perspective?
But what would a common Melanesian perspective look like? This question has been visited many times before. The late Papua New Guinea politician, lawyer, academic and philosopher, Bernard Narakobi coined the succinct term “the Melanesian Way”, upon which the summit in Honiara has appropriated key principles as central to this year’s themes for discussion.
“Let us build a stronger Melanesia in the Pacific where peace, progress and prosperity is ensured and sustained for all”
According to Narakobi, the Melanesian way is “the total cosmic vision of life”. It is not about what other people say about what we are, or what we are not, nor what we ought to be or not be through their ethnographic, anthropological and scientific endeavour. He refused to define what the Melanesian way is, because according to Narakobi, “it is not only futile, but trite to attempt a definition of it”. But even if Narakobi refused to specifically define the Melanesian Way, some key ideas emerge regardless. It could be said to be about respecting and valuing the Melanesian people with their diverse unique cultures, philosophies, epistemologies and traditions. What it is not about is the dreaming and seeing ourselves through the shadow of the European and Asian interpretations. Our tragedy has been that we have allowed ourselves to be defined by someone else’s perspective, and not simply by being who we are. We are still suffering from that legacy.
A stronger Melanesia must be built by all Melanesian people. The philosophies, epistemologies and wisdom that guided our people for millennia need to be reasserted as the foundation for redefining who we are as a people; a critical first step if we are to going to establish some form of autonomy over our own future. The Melanesian peoples of the Pacific must decide whether we can unite as a people to support our brothers and sisters in West Papua, or simply accept the trinkets offered by the Indonesians’ own imperialist overlords, the capitalist Western nations, to look the other way. The imminent decision to be made by the MSG leaders in Honiara will be a crucial one; one that will affect the Melanesian people for generations to come. Does the MSG stand for promoting Melanesian interests, or is itself corrupted by the short term promises of the West? What has become of the Melanesian Way – the notion of the holistic and cosmic worldview advocated by Narakobi? The decision to be made in Honiara will shine a light on MSG’s own integrity. Do this grouping exist to help the Melanesian people, or do they help others to subjugate the Melanesian people?
This story isn’t a new one. For instance, Western values of liberal democracy, free market, science and technology, and Christianity itself, would not have eventuated had it not been for a crucial decision made by the famous Macedonian conqueror Alexander after he defeated the great Persian army in the battle of Gaugamela in 334 BC. The great commander had to decide whether to accept an offer made by the defeated King of Persia, Darius. The king offered half his empire, his daughter, and a fortune in money and gold to the young commander if he agreed to curtail his military expansion and rage. Alexander refused. He had set his eye on conquering the world and he set about to achieve that very objective. Alexander went on to conquer the Mediterranean world. His decision to reject King Darius’ offer meant that Greece became the regional hegemonic power. Greek language would be spoken throughout the Empire, and Hellenistic culture would become dominant throughout the Mediterranean. Greek philosophers and thinkers such as Thales, Pythagoras, Plato, Socrates and Aristotle changed the world with their ideas – ideas that laid the foundations of modern Western civilization. Christianity itself used the vessel of Greek language and culture to penetrate the world beyond the walls of Jerusalem. In short, the conquering empire persisted in one form or another because a single man refused to cast his gaze away from a world bigger than all the gold, lands and riches offered by any man.
So now, MSG would do well to consider Alexander’s decision. Do they allow themselves to be distracted by the trinkets offered by Western governments and corporations and their lackeys. Or does it commit to the bigger prize of operating to the beat of its own drum? The decision by MSG whether to accept the Indonesians’ offer of “princesses and money” to disregard the ULMPW bid for MSG membership will impact not just Melanesia, but the world. The story of Jesus rejecting Satan’s offer of all the kingdoms of the world is an old story, but a relatable one. How remarkable would it be in this modern world that a long subjugated people stood firm against the mighty and rejected their gold in favour of their souls. That would be the retelling of an old story written anew.
Author is a graduate student at  the Australian National University (ANU)
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Vanuatu Daily Post
3) ULMWP brings petition from 150,000 West Papuans for Prime Minister

Posted: Saturday, June 20, 2015 12:00 am

West Papua’s ULMWP Ambassador to MSG Secretariat Amatus Douw posing with copies of the petition contained in two books

By Jonas Cullwick | 0 comments

The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP)’s Ambassador to the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) Secretariat, Amatus Douw, is in Port Vila with a petition containing the signatures of 150,000 people of West Papua to present to the Vanuatu Prime Minister, Sato Kilman.
Douw says the petition is asking the Prime Minister of Vanuatu to support ULMWP to become a full member of the MSG.

The Vanuatu Prime Minister is to join other MSG member prime ministers at their Leaders’ Summit in Honiara, Solomon Islands next week during which a vote is expected to be taken on the ULMWP’s application for full membership of the MSG.
“I would like to present this petition to the new government of Prime Minister Sato Kilman, the Deputy Prime Minister, Moana Carcasses, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Serge Vohor to ask for Vanuatu’s support at the Honiara Leaders’ Summit vote on the application from ULMWP for full membership of MSG,” ULMWP Ambassador Douw told the Daily Post Friday.
He said he had met with the DPM Moana Carcasses on Friday morning who expressed his strong support for West Papuan membership of MSG and that he promised to coordinate a meeting for him to visit the Prime Minister to present the petition containing the signatures of 150,000 people.
Douw confirmed he met with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Serge Vohor, at 2pm Friday and he also confirmed his backing for the West Papuan application.
As of Friday evening Daily Posts understood the West Papuan leader was still awaiting confirmation of an appointment to meet with Prime Minister Kilman.
“In the Solomon Islands next week, the people of West Papua give their full trust to the Government of Vanuatu, for the longstanding support, for their full membership, so that West Papua can be brought back to the home of Melanesia which is MSG,” he appealed to the Government of Vanuatu.
“We cannot go away to seek support from other regions except Melanesian leaders who are the beacon of hope for West Papua,” he added.
The petition and the signatures are contained in two bound books each weighing about 16kg, and ULMWP Ambassador Amatus Douw says it is their intention that each of the leaders of the MSG members will receive a copy of the petition contained in the two books ahead of the Leaders’ Summit.
A full official commitment of continued strong support for West Papua’s full membership of MSG from the new government is still forthcoming, but sources close to the government say the Government will vote for West Papua.
Many people in Vanuatu want the Government to continue the leadership role the country has been taking on the West Papua issue including the vote for full membership for West Papua in MSG. And they are watching to see if this Government will continue this position at next week’s crucial vote.

1) West Papuans hope unity will guarantee MSG membership

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2) West Papua plans final push for MSG membership

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http://www.islandsbusiness.com/news/melanesian-spearhead-group/6667/west-papuans-hope-unity-will-guarantee-msg-members/

1) West Papuans hope unity will guarantee MSG membership

Vanuatu sends its deputy pm for MSG summit

By Nic Maclellan in Honiara Sun 21 Jun 2015

Indonesian officials are lobbying for an upgrade to associate membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), while a renewed membership application by a united West Papuan coalition will be discussed at this week’s MSG leaders’ summit in Solomon Islands.
Papua New Guinea and Fiji have expressed their opposition to the bid for full MSG membership by the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP), a coalition of groups opposed to Indonesian rule in the western half of the island of New Guinea. In contrast, MSG members Vanuatu and New Caledonia’s FLNKS independence movement have expressed solidarity with the West Papuan nationalist movement and their membership application.
Summit host Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare, who takes over as MSG chair for the next two years, must forge a consensus between these divergent positions. Despite these differences, the MSG’s new engagement on the West Papua issue contrasts with the silence of the regional Pacific Islands Forum – there has been no mention of West Papua in Forum communiques since 2006.
Membership bid
In March 2013, the Port Vila-based West Papua National Council for Liberation (WPNCL) lodged a formal membership application to join the MSG. The application was deferred at the last MSG summit, held in Noumea in 2013, to allow a Foreign Ministers mission to visit Indonesia. A special MSG leaders’ summit in Port Moresby in June 2014 again deferred the WPNCL application and agreed “to invite all groups to form an inclusive and united umbrella group in consultation with Indonesia to work on submitting a fresh application.”
West Papuan representatives are in Honiara this week, lobbying MSG officials and leaders and stressing that they have responded to the call for unity expressed in 2014.
The Vanuatu government hosted a December 2014 meeting to bring together Jayapura-based activists and exiled campaigners, forming a united front between competing groups. The newly created United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) unites different strands of the West Papuan nationalist movement: the West Papua National Council for Liberation (WPNCL), Federal Republic of West Papua (FRWP) and the National Parliament of West Papua (NPWP), which incorporates the National Committee for West Papua (KPNB).
Today, the ULM secretariat includes Secretary General Octo Mote, spokesperson Benny Wenda and executive officers Rex Rumakiek, Jacob Rumbiak and Leonie Tanggahma. These exiled ULM executive members have been joined in Honiara by a range of leaders from inside West Papua, including Edison Maromi of the Federal Republic of West Papua and Dominikus Surabut, the chair of Lapago region of the Papuan Customary Council (Dewan Adat Papua).
ULM Executive officer Jacob Rumbiak stressed that while some leaders were living in exile, the movement’s decision making was taking place amongst political parties and civic movements inside West Papua.
Speaking through a translator, Dominikus Surabut agreed that there was unprecedented co-ordination amongst different strands of the West Papua nationalist movement.
“Our experience over the last 53 years is that there’s been a history of disunity in the struggle, with competing claims for leadership,” said Surabut. “So this opportunity that has been created through the creation of the United Liberation Movement, is really an excellent solution for the people of West Papua.” 
Edison Waromi told Islands Business that MSG governments had forced groups in the independence movement to better co-ordinate their efforts.
“The birth of the ULMWP is actually a direct result of the challenge put forward by the MSG leaders,” said Waromi. “After the previous application in 2013 and 2014, the MSG leaders said it wasn’t fully representative. They challenged us to resubmit another application from a more unified group. So the ULMWP was formed in response to this challenge and through great effort, we feel that we have successfully responded to this challenge. Indonesia is scared of us, now that we’re united.”
Waromi is quick to deny that there are competing applications for membership from different parts of the movement: “I want to state clearly that the Federal Republic of West Papua gives their full and unequivocal support to the United Liberation Movement and its application for MSG membership.”
Maintaining Vanuatu’s support
Vanuatu has long supported the West Papuan nationalist movement with practical and diplomatic aid. Port Vila hosts an office for the WPNCL, which has lobbied for MSG membership in line with the precedent set by the Kanak independence movement (the FLNKS, rather than the Government of New Caledonia, represents New Caledonia in the MSG).
However the recent no-confidence motion that saw the defeat of Prime Minister Joe Natuman’s government raised concern that Vanuatu’s long-standing commitment on West Papua might be affected.
Over the weekend, ULM Secretary General Octo Mote travelled from Honiara to Port Vila, to lock in support from the new government led by Prime Minister Sato Kilman and Deputy Prime Minister Moana Carcasses Kalosil (who arrived in Honiara on Sunday).
“From my trip, I must say that Vanuatu’s support is still there,” Mote told Islands Business from Port Vila. “Nothing has changed on West Papua. There are differences in approach between the old government and new, but it’s not political parties that support us, it’s the nation, the Vanuatu people.”
Mote re-iterated that his delegation was still seeking full MSG membership, but acknowledged recent statements by the Solomon Islands government, calling on MSG leaders to consider observer status rather that full membership.
“Of course we are still pressing for full membership, but if the MSG leaders offer observer status, I’ll take it,” said Mote. “West Papua is now a Melanesian issue. Some people at home who are hoping for full MSG membership will be upset, but it’s important we sit down equally with the Indonesians. If Indonesia are MSG observers, and we are observers, why not?” 
Mote added: “For myself, it’s important for us to sit down equally with the Indonesians, to talk together. If the Kanaks can sit down to create the Noumea Accord with the French, why can’t we create a similar agreement?”
Indonesian concessions
Despite this call for dialogue, West Papuan leaders in Honiara are critical of recent initiatives by Indonesian President Joko Widodo, who visited West Papua in May 2015. Since his election, Jokowi has promised new dialogue on West Papua, and granted concessions such as the release of five political prisoners and an announcement that international media would have free access to West Papua. 
At a press conference in Merauke last month, Jokowi stated: “Starting from today, foreign journalists are allowed and free to come to Papua, just as they can [visit] other regions.” 
This pledge was immediately undercut by his Minister for Political, Legal and Security affairs Tedjo Edhy Purdijatno, who confirmed that foreign journalists would still be screened and must obtain permission from the security forces s to travel to the highlands: “We’ll allow it, on condition that they report on what they see, not go around looking for facts that aren’t true from armed groups…There’s a lot of news out there that makes it look like [human rights] violations are taking place here all the time, but I don’t think that’s the case.” 
For ULM representatives lobbying in Honiara, these concessions do not address the core issues, and are simply designed to blunt this momentum of the West Papuan nationalist movement.
According to ULM Executive officer Rex Rumakiek, “while we would welcome greater media access to report what is really going on, the real question is to allow freedom of expression for the people of West Papua. The prisoners who have been released are not criminals, but acted politically to support human rights.”
Despite Jokowi’s call for dialogue, Indonesian security forces have continued to crack down on dissent. Rumakiek noted: “In the last month, nearly 500 people have been arrested demonstrating in support of the MSG membership application.” 
Customary chief Dominikus Surabut told Islands Business that now was the time for action by Pacific leaders: “If the leaders of the Melanesian countries really want to save us as fellow Melanesians of the same race, as fellow kin, then we ask them to receive us as members of the same family. Those of us who are leaders of the struggle, feel that in order to resolve the conflict in West Papua, then we have to become a member of MSG.”



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2) West Papua plans final push for MSG membership
Updated at 6:47 am today
The United Liberation Movement for West Papua is planning its final push ahead of this week’s vote on whether to admit West Papua into the Melanesian Spearhead Group.

The MSG leaders' summit will be held in Solomon Islands this week, where a decision will be made on whether to accept West Papua as a member.
West Papua's bid was rejected for lack of a unified movement at last year's summit, which led to the formation of the United Liberation Movement and the submission of another application.
The group's spokesperson, Benny Wenda, says he is confident the group will be admitted this time round, and will spend this week lobbying the MSG countries.
"At the moment we've already had a meeting here and some of the ministers are coming next week, so we hope that this is very historic and we're trying to use many channels to try and convince that West Papua is Melanesia." 
Benny Wenda says while West Papua is seeking full membership, it will accept observer or associate status.
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http://www.solomonstarnews.com/news/national/7342-west-papua-not-a-bad-start-for-sogavare

3) West Papua: Not a bad start for Sogavare

WE all want our government to support the United Liberation Movement for West Papua’s (ULMWP) bid for membership of the Melanesia Spearhead Group (MSG).
Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare last Thursday responded to that call.

The Government, he says, will vote to bring West Papua into the MSG fold on “observer status”.

The highly anticipated announcement was received with mixed reactions.

Some say the position is “too soft”.

Others say it is ambiguous.

While others say it’s confusing.

Expectation is the government must support West Papua’s full member into the MSG family.

We are sure Prime Minister Sogavare made the decision to welcome West Papua into the MSG fold on observer status based on advice received from his army of advisers.

At the moment, East Timor and Indonesia enjoy observer status at MSG.

Indonesia has since applied for associate membership status – an application that will also be decided by MSG leaders in Honiara next Wednesday.

West Papua’s application will also be decided at the same meeting.

The government’s decision to support West Papua attaining observer status on MSG may not go down well with many of us.

But it’s a breakthrough for the United Liberation Movement for West Papua and local West Papuan supporters who’ve campaign and lobbied hard for this cause.

The worst we could get from the government is an outright rejection of West Papua’s application.

By giving them observer status, we have finally invited West Papua into the room to access and listen to discussions and deliberations.

And who know, this may be just a start. In a year or two, they may get full membership status.

Remember the political leaders who make these decisions now will not be up there forever.

Some, if not all, may be gone in a year or two.

But the West Papua issue will remain. It’s an issue we all must continue to push to the front burner for public debate and discourse.

So it’s not a bad start for Prime Minister Sogavare and the DCC government.
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Media release-West Papua, represented by the ULMWP must be at the MSG table

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Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)

PO Box 28, Spit Junction, NSW 2088







Media release 22 June 2015 

West Papua, represented by the ULMWP must be at the MSG table


The Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) leaders must realise by now that the umbrella organisation, The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) has the support of the West Papuan people in its bid for membership of the MSG.

In the past month civil society groups in West Papuan have held rallies throughout West Papua in support of the ULMWP’s application for membership. Many of the demonstrators were arrested and beaten by the Indonesian security forces during the rallies.  The West Papuan people have also gathered a petition containing 150,000 signatures in support of the ULMWP’s application. 


The people of the MSG countries are also calling on their leaders to support the ULMWP’s application, holding rallies of support in their respective countries. 


Joe Collins of AWPA said,  “this meeting is of historic importance in Melanesian history. The issue of West Papuan is not going away and by giving the West Papuan people a voice at the MSG, It will empower them in international fora, given them a voice in raising their concerns in the international community and with the Indonesian Government. The MSG leaders will be seen as helping solve one of the longest ongoing conflicts in the Pacific region”


Although the ULMWP has applied for full membership, the Solomon Islands PM has suggested observer status for the ULMWP. Joe Collins said, "whatever the status ULMWP receives the most important thing is that the ULMWP has a seat at the MSG table".  

Ends 

1) West Papua leader still doesn’t know why he’s blocked from US

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This is part 3 of former Fairfax Media Indonesia correspondent Michael Bachelard's series on Papua. Here is the introductionpart 1 and part 2
One sunny November school day at a school in Tagime, hundreds of primary and secondary students are outside having a whale of a time. They're playing soccer – a game that ranges over acres and lasts for hours because there's nothing else to do.
Otniel Elopere, principal at the Ob Anggen school at Eragayam, (November 2014/Michael Bachelard.)
The school is well furnished with buildings – a brand new brick one is under construction – but inside, the classrooms are derelict and have no electricity. There are few books and, on the day I visit, only two teachers for 600 students.
'Many new buildings, too few teachers,' observes Nus Gombo, one of the two.
Politicians in the Indonesian province of Papua – most of them local Papuans – can make good money out of 'projects' such as new school buildings. They let contracts to clan or family members and receive a fat bribe in return. But the hard work of making sure the teachers turn up to instruct students in literacy and numeracy is, apparently, beyond them.
All over the highlands, it's the teachers who wag school. Buildings pop up in every tiny village, but the teachers' salaries are paid in the capital.
Rather than flying to and from to collect their pay, many teachers simply stay in the capital. 
Operational funds are rorted by officials. What remains finds its way through to the schools, but 'These funds are, in the majority of cases, used for personal use and not for equipping schools,' according to a 2009 report from a local non-government organisation, Yasumat. The report continues, 'This also results in families that cannot afford books and pencils not sending their children to school or only sending one. In these cases it is generally the girls that get left behind.'
Teachers can be relied upon, however, to turn up once a year to administer the exam. 'At the exam, the student has to bring a pig or chicken to give to the teachers so they will graduate you,' says Ones Wenda, who is now a teacher himself at a highland school called Ob Anggen.
Exams also involve industrial-scale cheating.
Wenda and his fellow teachers recently took the Ob Anggen students to the three-day national exams. Ob Anggen founder Benjamin Wisely, an American former development worker, said that repeatedly during the three days, administrators, principals and teachers from other schools tried to convince his teachers to 'help' the kids by filling in the answers for them, or writing the answers on the chalk board at the front of the room. 'If kids fail it reflects poorly on the rayon (district), and the parents will be angry and come burn something down or threaten,' Wisely said.
Pieter van der Wilt, a Dutch missionary, works at a teacher training college in the highlands capital of Wamena called STKIP. He thinks he gets the best high school graduates from the area, but when they arrive: 'On a skills test ranked from zero to 100, they score 30 to 35. 
'They have only basic maths and basic language. They are 18, 19 years old...These students are not necessarily lazy or stupid, they are just victims of a broken system.' The result of all this, in Indonesia's poorest province, is an epidemic of illiteracy and innumeracy – and the numbers are actually worsening over time. 
Otniel Elopere, the head of the Ob Anggen campus at tiny highlands town of Eragayam, is scathing: 'Our system (of) education and our system (of) government, every system doesn't work. I think we are killing ourselves'.

Teaching students sing with Roy Kombian at STKIP teacher college in Wamena (November 2014/Michael Bachelard)
The problem is not just with the administrators. Ob Anggen is funded not by government but by fees and donations, and the school is fighting an uphill battle against some parents, and the culturally important uncles, who can't understand why children need to spend so much time in classrooms to attain certificates which, at other schools, can simply be bought or cheated.
'We lose five or six students per year because the uncles and the mothers pull them out,' says Ob Anggen teacher Adit Zakharia Primaditya. 'Parents want them to get a certificate ASAP because it represents status, and because then the students can do the civil service test'.
Despite the fierce desire for political independence from Jakarta, the greatest possible attainment in the highlands is to join the civil service (including becoming a teacher) and pick up a government salary, whether or not that means actually turning up to work. 
Wenda, the principal at Ob Anggen's Dogobak Campus in Bokondini, says the situation is getting 'worse, much worse'. As the school system disintegrates, government officials and tribal leaders with money have abandoned it, sending their own children, from the age of five, to boarding schools near the coast. 
At STKIP, the teacher's college, the message has got through to the prospective educators. 'Education is freedom,' says STKIP trainee Roy Kombian. 'Freedom from Indonesia is our dream. But not right now.'
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5) Lake Sentani festival another  good reason to visit Papua 
Nethy Dharma Somba, The Jakarta Post, Jayapura | Archipelago | Mon, June 22 2015, 8:27 AM - See more at: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/06/22/lake-sentani-festival-another-good-reason-visit-papua.html#sthash.CRVeP8RH.dpuf
Held annually since 2008, this year’s Lake Sentani Festival in Khalkote, East Sentani district, Jayapura regency, Papua, kicked off on Saturday, with expectations that the event would help reinvigorate tourism in the easternmost province. 

Speaking to reporters after opening the festival, Tourism Minister Arief Yahya said the government was expecting to see 35,000 international and domestic tourists attend the event, which will be held from June 19 to 23. 

“We are hoping to see 35,000 tourists visit the festival this year and 50,000 next year. That’s why we are inviting many national journalists from Jakarta [to the event] to help promote this festival to people in Indonesia and all over the world,” he said.

The Lake Sentani Festival is one of three major festivals in Papua, besides the Baliem Valley Festival held in August and the Asmat Festival in October. This year, the eighth Lake Sentani Festival is held under the theme, “My Culture, My Prosperity”.

“Culture not only gives happiness, but also life and prosperity. Papua’s main strength is its nature, followed by culture. These existing potentials must be explored to provide prosperity,” Arief said.

During the event’s opening ceremony on Saturday, visitors were entertained by various artistic performances, including the traditional Isosolo dance that was performed by a group of dancers on board a boat. 

At the festival venue, visitors can also browse dozens of booths that offer local handicrafts, including noken (traditional Papuan woven bags), tree bark paintings, wood sculptures and gemstones, as well as traditional food, such as papeda (sticky sago porridge), yellow fish soup and batatas (yams). 

The tour of Lake Sentani, however, remains the festival’s main attraction, during which visitors can go sightseeing around the province’s biggest lake, which covers an area of 9,630 hectares in four districts and provides livelihood for more than 25,000 people. 

Separately, Papuan People’s Assembly (MRP) deputy chairman Angelberta Tokorok said the festival should become an entry point for the government to provide continuous support for improving the local economy. She, for example, urged the government to provide permanent shelters for local women who sell noken to visitors. 

“It doesn’t mean that the government’s relation with local residents ends after the closing of the festival,” Angelberta said. - 
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1) West Papua leader confident of Vanuatu backing

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2) Commentary: Govt needs  to maximize benefits from  Freeport - 
3) Jokowi urged to make political  move to settle past rights  abuses
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1) West Papua leader confident of Vanuatu backing
Updated at 7:52 pm today
The secretary general of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua says he is confident in Vanuatu's support, despite the change in government.
Vanuatu got a new government 12 days ago after a vote of no confidence.
The ULMWP's Octo Mote is in Port Vila ahead of this week's Melanesian Spearhead Group summit in neighbouring Solomon Islands, where the West Papuan group will be pushing for full membership of the MSG.
The previous Vanuatu government had been strongly supportive and Mr Mote believes the new administration will continue this backing.
"The support of the Vanuatu Government is not depending on political parties or any political leader. This is a nation's support and it is already passing a bill in Parliament, so I don't see any change. The change is in the form of the approach with the Indonesian Government - how we would deal with the Government."
The United Liberation Movement for West Papua's Octo Mote.

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2) Commentary: Govt needs  to maximize benefits from  Freeport - 
Riyadi Suparno, Timika, Papua | Commentary | Mon, June 22 2015, 1:15 PM 
History is often forgotten when people discuss the fate of US-based Freeport McMoran’s copper, gold and silver mining operation in Papua. People tend to use the current situation to judge what happened in the late 1960s.

People critical of Freeport are quick to point out that the company has plundered Indonesia’s mining wealth in Papua since 1967 (or 1973, when its mines began production). They forget, however, to mention the situation at the time when Freeport entered Papua.

We need to consider at least three things about the situation when Freeport was given its mining contract of work (CoW) from the government of then newly-installed president Soeharto.

The first thing is that Indonesia was in a dire economic situation following the fall of strongman Sukarno, who brought Indonesia to its knees at the end of his two-decade-long rule.

In that context, Soeharto drafted a foreign-direct-investment law to attract badly needed investment.  Freeport was the first foreign player to commit to large-scale investment in Indonesia, and the CoW it signed was the first of its kind.

The second thing that needs to be understood is that the Ertsberg mining reserve is located in a remote area of Papua, at a height of around 4,000 meters above sea level, and that 48 years ago, there was no infrastructure at all in the area now known as Mimika regency.

Freeport had to create everything from scratch, building ports and opening an 80-kilometer access road to the Ertsberg mining reserves through challenging terrain. This needed huge initial investment.

Not only that, we have also to recognize that Freeport was a pioneering mining company that rediscovered Erstberg after it was forgotten for a long time after being reported by Jean-Jacques Dozy, who found and named it Ertsberg while he was part of the Colijn expedition to Papua’s Carstenz Glacier in 1936.

After hearing of Dozy’s report, Freeport launched an expedition, led by Forbes Wilson and Del Flint, to Ertsberg in 1960, when the area was still under the control of the Netherlands. Three years later, the Netherlands handed over Papua to the UN, which later passed it over to Indonesia.

The third and most important thing to remember is that Freeport entered the CoW with the Indonesian government two years before the UN-sponsored Act of Free Choice in Papua in 1969, which confirmed Indonesia’s control over Papua.

Imagine if it were not Freeport, not a US mining company that had been given the license to mine in Papua, would the US have supported the Act of Free Choice in Papua? The Act of Free Choice gave Indonesia legitimate control over the area.

As such, granting Freeport the CoW to mine copper, gold and silver in Papua served Indonesia’s geopolitical aims of that time.

The same geopolitical argument is still valid now, at a time when independence aspirations still run high among Papuans.

That’s why President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is careful in handling Freeport’s case, amid loud calls from some quarters — including from his own inner circle — to nationalize Freeport.

What Freeport is now asking from Jokowi’s administration is certainty regarding its operation after its second CoW expires in 2021.

According to Freeport Indonesia president director Maroef Sjamsoeddin, if the government does not provide certainty for the firm’s operation beyond 2021, it will likely lay off 70 percent of its 30,000-plus workforce in 2017, when its mining operation at the Grasberg open-pit mining site is set to end.

If the Grasberg mine ceases operation in 2017, Freeport’s production will fall 70 percent from its current production level of 240,000 tons of ore per day.

The implication would be huge, especially for Mimika regency and Papua province in general, because Freeport’s operation currently contributes 91 percent to Mimika’s gross regional product and 37.5 percent to Papua’s.

To avert such an alarming situation, Freeport needs to invest a large sum of money into its underground mining operation. To do that, it needs a license from the government and certainty over its operation beyond 2021. 

Freeport has invested US$4 billion in its DOZ and Big Gossan underground mines, with mining tunnels now spanning 500 kilometers underground. Beyond 2017, all Freeport mining operations will be underground.

Freeport plans to mine three more underground sites, namely Deep MLZ, Grasberg Underground and Kucing Liar. To develop them to their full potential, it needs to invest another $15 billion and $2.3 billion.

It is a huge investment for any Indonesian entity. Therefore, nationalizing Freeport’s assets is not an option now. What the government needs to do is to maximize the benefits from Freeport.

After renegotiation of the second CoW, the government now gets around 60 percent of all revenue from Freeport’s Papua operation, including from royalties and various taxes. If that’s not enough, the government can sit down and negotiate further with Freeport for a larger share of the income. 

But the government cannot hold Freeport hostage. Certainty over Freeport’s operation beyond 2021 is badly needed to ensure continuity of operation and economic multiplier effects for local people in Papua.

The writer, the executive director of The Jakarta Post, visited Freeport’s mining operation in Mimika regency in Papua over the weekend. The visit was at the invitation of PT Freeport Indonesia.
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3) Jokowi urged to make political  move to settle past rights  abuses
Margareth S. Aritonang, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | National | Mon, June 22 2015, 10:14 AM - 

The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has called on President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to issue a presidential decree to officially set up an ad hoc commission assigned to seek comprehensive resolutions to unresolved past cases of human rights violations.

A presidential decree is needed to set up the ad hoc commission, the establishment of which is included in the National Mid-Term Development Plan (RPJMN), in order to speed up an ongoing process jointly being carried out by relevant state institutions that has been harshly criticized by human rights campaigners and victims of past rights abuses due to foreseeable unaccountability. The state institutions are Komnas HAM, the Office of the Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister, the Law and Human Rights Ministry, the Attorney General’s Office, the National Police and the National Intelligence Agency (BIN).

According to the RPJMN, the ad hoc commission is to be under the direct supervision of Jokowi to facilitate efforts to thoroughly reveal cases of past rights abuses in order to finally find solutions to resolve them.

“The ongoing process can move faster if the President makes a political move and issues a decree to set up the ad hoc commission,” Komnas HAM deputy chief, who also leads Komnas HAM’s team on the settlement of past human rights abuses, Roichatul Aswidah, told The Jakarta Post.

Roichatul suggested that the ad hoc commission could not only work faster but also more effectively as long as it involved various elements representing all stakeholders, particularly victims who suffered abuses in the past or their relatives.

“We, as a nation, can thus move forward from officially acknowledging the dark past to taking measures to restoring the rights of the victims,” Roichatul added.

Komnas HAM and the state institutions have been conducting meetings to discuss resolutions to past rights abuses, the settlement of which has been in limbo for years despite campaign promises by former presidents and more recently by Jokowi.

In a move to show that he is different from his predecessors, Jokowi has repeatedly reiterated his commitment to settling past rights abuses, which have been declared gross human rights violations by Komnas HAM. During his term in office, Jokowi has assigned officials to be responsible for the issue, including Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Tedjo Edhy Purdijatno, Law and Human Rights Minister Yasonna H. Laoly, Attorney General M. Prasetyo, National Police chief Comr. Gen. Badrodin Haiti, to work together with Komnas HAM to find the best solutions to the cases.

The unresolved cases consist of the 1989 massacre in Talangsari, Lampung, the forced disappearance of anti-Soeharto activists in 1997 and 1998, the 1998 Trisakti University shootings, the Semanggi I and Semanggi II student shootings in 1998 and 1999, the mysterious killings of alleged criminals in the 1980s, the communist purges of 1965 and various abuses that took place in Wasior and Wamena in Papua in 2001 and 2003, respectively.

In addition to assigning those institutions to find solutions, the government has also initiated a bill on Truth and Reconciliation (KKR) to the House of Representatives, which is apparently an alternative way in case government officials fail to find the best solutions for all.

Minister Yasonna told lawmakers in a hearing last week that the government would prioritize its team, which is led by Komnas HAM, in searching for possible solutions to best settle cases of past abuses instead of discussing the KKR bill.

“We might put the [KKR] bill on hold to allow the government’s team to work first,” Yasonna told the House’s Legislation Body (Baleg) when asked for a draft bill as well as an academic paper on the KKR because although the KKR bill was one of the priority bills in the National Legislation Program (Prolegnas), the government was yet to submit the draft to the House. -


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media release-14 students arrested in Abepura, Papua by the police.

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Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)

PO Box 28, Spit Junction, NSW 2088
Media release 22 June 2015

14 students arrested in Abepura, Papua by the police.


14 members of the Independent Student Forum (FIM) were arrested in Abepura, Papua by the police.
The students were fund raising to support the ad hoc team of the National Commission on Human Rights which was formed to look into the tragedy of the killing of civilians in Paniai on the 8 December.
According to a report in Step Magazine, the Abepura police dispersed the students early in the morning but the students gathered again in cab perumnas III Waena and continued their fundraising activity. Shortly after the police again broke up the fund raising activities arresting 14. 


Member of the Papuan Legislative Council (DPRP), Laurenzus Kadepa visited 14 activists of Independent Students Forum (FIM),  which was in the interrogation in Jayapura Police; Papua, this afternoon. Photo: Oktovianus Pogau. Step Magazine.


The names of those arrested are  Melianus Duwitau, Termianus Kogoya, Fernando Ogetai, Aleks Mujijau, Sakarias Yogi, Yuliten Kobepa, Allo Yeimo, Nauren Ikinia, Esau Yarinap, Agus Kadepa, Arnol Yarinap, Benjamin Yatipai, Felix Tenouye and Alexsander Sedik. The last report said they were still held by the police.


The Jakarta post also reported (22 June) that the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has called on President Joko Widodo to issue a “ presidential decree to officially set up an ad hoc commission assigned to seek comprehensive resolutions to unresolved past cases of human rights violations”. 
Unresolved cases of human rights abuses include 

the 1989 massacre in Talangsari, Lampung, 

the forced disappearance of anti-Soeharto activists in 1997 and 1998, 

the 1998 Trisakti University shootings, 

the Semanggi I and Semanggi II student shootings in 1998 and 1999, 

the mysterious killings of alleged criminals in the 1980s, 

the communist purges of 1965 

and various abuses that took place in Wasior and Wamena in Papua in 2001 and 2003. 

Ends.

1) Vanuatu Committee believes Government supports West Papua

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2) MSG foreign ministers start talks
3) Government stand on West Papua still unclear
4) Palm oil giants to investigate company found razing Papuan rainforest
5) Indonesian military personnel may accompany press in Papua
6) Malind Ezam tribal chief: Disappointed by government, wants to give back Kalpataru prize.
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1) Vanuatu Committee believes Government supports West Papua
Posted: Tuesday, June 23, 2015 12:00 am
By Jonas Cullwick | 0 comments
The Chairman of the Vanuatu West Papua Committee, Pastor Allan Nafuki, says the Committee believes the newly-installed Government of Prime Minister Sato Kilman supports West Papua’s struggle for independence.
Pastor Nafuki made the comment as leaders of the MSG prepare to gather in the Solomon Islands capital, Honiara this week for their biennial Leaders’ Summit during at which a vote is expected to be taken on an application for West Papua to become a full member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group.
“As Chairman of the Vanuatu West Papua Committee, on behalf of churches and chiefs around the country, we always believe that any government that comes into power always supports the cause for West Papua to become member of MSG,” he added.
“So far we have not spoken with the new Prime Minister and those in the new Government, but we always believe that any government of Vanuatu always supports the independence struggle of the people of West Papua and, for West Papua to become a full member of the MSG,” he said.
The chairman of the Vanuatu West Papua Committee said the committee would be going to meet with responsible people in the new government to get their commitment or re-commitment toward the West Papua freedom cause.
Vanuatu has always been a staunch supporter of the West Papua independence struggle even when other members of the sub-regional grouping sometimes waver in their support for reasons that have included trade and the economy.
The MSG is made up of Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Fiji, the FLNKS in New Caledonia and Vanuatu.
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2) MSG foreign ministers start talks
By Nic Maclellan in Honiara  Tue 23 Jun 2015
West Papuan activist Jacob Rumbiak with the United Liberation Movement petition to MSG leaders.-- Photo Nic Maclellan

Solomon Islands Foreign Minister Milner Tozaka welcomed Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) delegations to Honiara, as MSG Foreign Ministers met in the lead up to this week’s MSG leaders’ summit.
Stating that “a strong and vibrant Melanesia is our objective,” Tozaka took over as chair 
the MSG Foreign Ministers Meeting from Caroline Machoro-Reignier of New Caledonia’s FLNKS independence movement.
In the opening ceremony, MSG Secretariat Director General Peter Forau noted a series of achievements since the last regional summit, including extensive work for the expansion of the MSG Trade Agreement, the MSG’s monitoring mission for the September 2014 national elections in Fiji, and the successful 5th Melanesian Festival of the Arts, held in Papua New Guinea.
The last MSG summit in Noumea in 2013 approved a “2038 Prosperity for All Plan”, charting the next 25 years of economic, social and environmental development across Melanesia. After two years of preparation by the MSG Secretariat in Port Vila, an implementation plan for this overarching strategy will be presented to leaders for endorsement this week.
The MSG Secretariat has also completed studies to address the economic vulnerability of MSG member states, highlighted by the devastation of Cyclone Pam in Vanuatu. These include studies for an Emergency Stabilisation Fund, and a scoping study on an MSG Development and Investment Fund.
Forau also noted that the issue of West Papua looms large on this week’s agenda, stating: “The world and our region are looking at us.”
In his opening address, Foreign Minister Tozaka noted that according to the Establishment Agreement of the MSG, “decisions are based on consensus. This means nothing is agreed unless everyone agrees.”
This art of consensus building will be sorely tested during this week’s crucial debate on West Papua. In the weeks leading up to the summit, statements from MSG leaders have highlighted clear divisions over relations with Indonesia and the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) – a coalition of West Papuan nationalist organisations that is seeking membership of the MSG.
Later this week, MSG leaders will have to decide on applications from Jakarta to upgrade its 2011 observer status to associate member, as well as the ULM’s bid for full membership. As delegations continue to arrive in Honiara, there is still lots of lobbying in the corridors.
As Chair of the FMM, Tozaka briefly opened today’s meeting to allow a delegation from the ULM to present a petition to the assembled ministers and officials. The petition, with 150,000 signatures collected across West Papua over the last four months, endorses the ULMWP’s membership bid. 
ULM spokesperson Benny Wenda said the petition, collected by church, student, women’s and political groups, was received with “warm hearts” by the MSG foreign ministers.
“Today is a historic day, as the leaders have allowed us to bring these petitions on behalf of the people of West Papua,” he said. “We hope now the leaders can decide on our future.”
With an Indonesian delegation also present in Honiara to press Jakarta’s case, there will be further debate on the membership applications in coming days. The final decision will be taken by the MSG leaders, including Fiji’s Voreqe Bainimarama, PNG’s Peter O’Neill and New Caledonia’s Victor Tutugoro, who are scheduled to arrive in Honiara before Wednesday’s official opening of the leaders’ summit.

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3) Government stand on West Papua still unclear
Posted: Tuesday, June 23, 2015 12:00 am
By Godwin Ligo | 0 comments
The Melanesian Spearhead Group Leaders have already begun arriving in the Solomon Islands capital Honiara, for the 20th Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) 2015 Summit.
The 20th MSG Summit will be preceded by the Melanesian Foreign Affairs Ministers Meeting and the Senior Officials (SOM) which started on the 18th and followed by the MSG Head of Governments (MSG) Summit that will continue till June 26th, 2015. Vanuatu Senior Officials are already in Honiara.
A Government reliable source told the Daily Post Friday afternoon that the Prime Minister Sato Kilman, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs Serge Vohor are expected to travel to Honiara on Tuesday this week.
He said they had to be in Port Vila today (Monday) pending the outcome of the Court ruling on the Speaker’s decision on the suspension of parliament earlier this week.
One of the crucial issues on the agenda for deliberation and decision by the MSG Leaders is the Application by West Papua for an Observer Status in the MSG. The Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Trade Moana Carcasses, who was supportive of the West Papua struggle for political freedom during his term as Prime Minister, told the Daily Post when contacted that he is now only responsible for Tourism, Trade and Commerce and referred the Daily Post to the Ministry and Department of Foreign Affairs on the issue of West Papua.
The government insider also told the Daily Post that the comment from the government on the issue of West Papua will be forthcoming before it is discussed in Honiara during the MSG leaders’ Summit.
The Solomon Islands, host for the 2015 MSG Summit has just made its position clear through a press statement from Honiara by the country’s Prime Minister Manasseh Sogovare, that the Solomon Islands has assured the people of West Papua that his government will support its bid to join the MSG as an Observer but reiterated the need to grant such recognition to one united group, and the need to consult Indonesia should West Papua seek full membership. This condition was outlined in the Prime Minister Sogovare’s four conditions announced by Prime Minister Sogovare in Honiara last week.
Vanuatu has always been in the forefront in lending its full support for West Papua political freedom and, for West Papua observer status in the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG).
The West Papua Movements’ reconciliation ceremony, uniting all different Movements of West Papua was hosted by Vanuatu in 2014.
This was a major step forward uniting different West Papua political Freedom Movements which was hailed by Vanuatu as a major achievement for Vanuatu for the the people of West Papua. The initiative was undertaken by the Malvatumauri Council of Chiefs and supported by the then Natuman-led government that saw leaders of all West Papua political freedom movement gathered in Port Vila and reconciled under one umbrella body for a united advancement of the West Papua Melanesian people towards one goal and that is the eventual political freedom from the administrative grip of Indonesia.
When Vanuatu gained her political Independence in 1980, the first country’s Prime Minister, the late Father Walter Lini, made a political statement in his independence speech that ‘Vanuatu will not be totally free until all colonized people of the Pacific are politically freed”.
Some local political observers say Vanuatu may continue to maintain the approach of “continues diplomatic approach with Jarkarta and through the United Nations” while others including the Vanuatu Civil Society Leaders have and continue to call on past and present Vanuatu Governments to vote for West Papua to be granted membership in the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG). ligo@dailypost.vu
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4) Palm oil giants to investigate company found razing Papuan rainforest
Agribusiness giants Cargill and Golden Agri-Resources (GAR) are pledging to investigate a palm oil supplier after an Indonesian environmental group presented evidence of rainforest clearing in New Guinea. 
On Thursday, Greenomics-Indonesia released a report documenting destruction of forests in South Sorong, a regency in West Papua, Indonesian New Guinea. 
Greenomics found that PT Varia Mitra Andalan (VMA), a subsidiary of publicly-listed PT Eagle High Plantations Tbk, continued to clear high carbon stock forests through March 2015, potentially putting it in breach of sustainability commitments established last year by Cargill and GAR. Both companies buy significant volumes of product from Eagle High Plantations, according to public disclosures. 
The findings led Greenomics to call on the companies to respect their “deforestation-free” sourcing policies. Both companies are signatories of the Indonesian Palm Oil Pledge (IPOP), a corporate commitment to eliminate deforestation from supply chains. 
“Cargill has maintained trading relations with a company that remains involved in deforestation – something that is obviously not in line with IPOP and Cargill’s commitment to forest protection in all its agricultural supply chains, including in the palm oil sector,” states the report. “In the context of cleaning up their supply chains from deforestation, Golden AgriResources stated that this process would commence in early March 2014.” 
In response, Cargill and GAR told Mongabay they would investigate the matter. 
“We take the allegations concerning PT Varia Mitra Andalan (VMA), a subsidiary of PT Eagle High Plantations, seriously as our suppliers must comply with our no deforestation commitments as stated in our Forest Conservation Policy (FCP),” a GAR spokesperson said. “We have immediately engaged with PT Eagle High Plantations to investigate and clarify this matter.” 
“Cargill takes all grievances and allegations extremely seriously and we are currently investigating these accusations,” a Cargill official told Mongabay. “Results of the investigation and the resultant corrective measure(s) will be made available to the public. Regardless of the conclusion, Cargill remains committed to our due diligence procedures to better identify HCV and HCS violations.” 
Cargill added that the current contract between its subsidiary Poliplant Sejahtera, which it acquired last year, and Eagle High Plantations applies only to fresh fruit bunches sourced from West Kalimantan in Indonesian Borneo, so it doesn’t actually source palm oil from the plantation cited in the report. 
Nonetheless, the company affirmed that it remains “firmly committed” to responsible palm oil production and sourcing. 
“We will reevaluate our relationships with suppliers that do not meet our standards,” said Cargill. “Sustainability of the global palm oil supply chain requires the perpetual participation of all parties involved and we encourage constructive dialogue from all stakeholders. Cargill continues working with NGOs and the rest of the industry to adjust and improve our policies towards our goals of protecting forests, peat lands, local communities, and human rights.” 
Greenomics’ research is based on legal documents acquired from the Indonesian government as well as satellite data from Landsat and Google Earth. It says forest clearance by VMA in the West Papua concession appeared to accelerate during the first quarter of 2015. According to the Ministry of Forestry, most of the area consists of secondary forest that had previously been selectively logged. 
The palm oil industry’s expansion in Indonesian New Guinea is a major concern for human rights groups and environmentalists. The region — which is seen as Indonesia’s “last frontier”, with the largest extent of forest cover and the highest proportion of people living in traditional communities — is being targeted by industrial interests, including oil and gas developers, mining companies, loggers, and agribusiness.
New projects are also a priority for the Indonesian government, which is seeking to strengthen hegemony in the sometimes restive region. For example, last week officials confirmed that the controversial transmigration program, which moves people from Indonesia’s crowded central islands to less populated ones, will be continued in order to support plantation and industrial agriculture development near Merauke. 
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5) Indonesian military personnel may accompany press in Papua
Senin, 22 Juni 2015 20:09 WIB | 865 Views
Jakarta (ANTARA News) - Indonesian Military Chief General Moeldoko said his institution was considering implementing a policy of having security personnel accompany foreign journalists in Papua to avoid untoward incidents.

"I am considering appointing guards to accompany foreign journalists so we can guide and protect them in case any dangerous situation arises," Moeldoko stated here on Monday.

The military chief was attending a hearing with Commission I of the Indonesian House of Representatives, Minister of Foreign Affairs Retno Marsudi and Chief of the State Intelligence Agency Marciano Norman. They discussed the amnesty and abolition policy applied to political prisoners in Papua.

Moeldoko added that the effort to provide assistance to foreign journalists was to ensure their safety.

The Indonesian Military will support all policies of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) for unity in Indonesia, he affirmed.

"At the hearing, we will further discuss the potential of the policy," Moeldoko remarked.

In addition, a member of Commission I of the House of Representatives, Tantowi Yahya, pointed out that the hearing was a follow-up to the letter the president sent on May 7 regarding granting amnesty and the abolition policy for political prisoners in Papua.

Furthermore, the Deliberative Body of the Indonesian parliament decided to refer the case of the Papuan political prisoners to Commission III.
(Uu.B019/INE/KR-BSR/H-YH)
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6) Malind Ezam tribal chief: Disappointed by government, wants to give back Kalpataru prize.
Amandus Yoliw Kaize, A Malind tribal chief from the Ezam group in Kaisa Village, Malind District, Merauke, wrote to President Joko Widodo on 18th April 2015 and sent Pusaka a copy in early June. The letter concerned a report of a land grab.
In the letter, Amandus reported his problems with an oil palm plantation owned by PT Agrinusa Persada Mulia (APM), which had taken over 1000 hectares of customary land. He also reported that PT APM had cleared land belonging to the Malind and Yeinan people in Kolam, Wan and Bupul vllages (in Muting and Elikobel villages).
“We’re extremely disappointed with this company’s activities in taking over the customary land. We are disappointed with the government which has never shown any concern for the people, even though we have made our contribution by looking after the forest and environment in Kaiza village to ensure it is protected”, said Amandus.
Eight years ago, Amandus Yoliw Kaize was awarded the Kalpataru prize for environmental pioneers for his work in conserving indigenous forest. President SBY handed over the Kalpataru prise to Amandus and 83 others in the State Palace on World Environment Day, 5th June 2007. In his address, President SBY said how important it was to save the environment for today’s generation and for future generations and to increase our concern for the environment.
In practice, customary forests which are important places for the Marind people are under threat or being destroyed by oil palm plantations and the rest of the MIFEE project. In his letter, Amandus asked the Indonesian President to pay attention to the Kalpataru.
“We request and hope that the President of the Republic of Indonesia will instruct the relevant ministers, the Governor of Papua Province and the Bupati of Merauke Regency to address this problem. We hope that the government, especially the Environment and Forestry Ministry will form a study team to come to Kaisa village, which was awarded the Kalpataru”, Amandus asked in his letter.
Amandus also requested that the Environment and Forestry Ministry give some support by funding the costs of a nursery, planting and maintaining the land to support the sustainability of local indigenous people’s forest.
Amandus has threatened that he will return the Kalpataru prize to the government in Jakarta, if their wishes are not taken on board.
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1) House rebuffs plan to pardon Papuans

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2) Papua without political  prisoners

3) TNI Chief Mulls Policy to Protect Foreign Journalists

4) Minister: Foreign Journalist Were Never Banned from Papua

5) West Papuans would take MSG observer status

6) Students arrested at fundraising rally in Papua

7) Freeport Invests $4 Billion Despite Contract Uncertainty

8) In Papuas health centres, a glimpse of dysfunction and corruption

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1) House rebuffs plan to pardon  Papuans

Margareth S. Aritonang, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Headlines | Tue, June 23 2015, 12:38 PM - 
The House of Representatives has rejected a government proposal to pardon political prisoners in Papua, citing fears that they would go on to inflame separatism in the resource-rich region.

The House on Monday met to discuss President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s plan for a second release of Papuan political convicts, summoning Foreign Minister Retno LP Marsudi, Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Moeldoko and National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Lt. Gen. Marciano Norman to a closed-door meeting with House Commission I overseeing defense and foreign affairs.

Despite holding only a preliminary meeting to a discussion expected to bring in more officials, including Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Tedjo Edhi Purdijatno, to meet Commission I and Commission III overseeing law, human rights and security next week, Commission I refused to support the government’s plan to grant amnesty to around 90 political prisoners in Papua and West Papua provinces.

“There are, as yet, no comprehensive programs by the government in Papua [to develop the region]. It’s clear that the government institutions dealing with the matter have so far carried out only individual, ad hoc initiatives,” Commission I deputy chairman Tantowi Yahya told the press after the meeting.

“We require the government to first elaborate measures to be taken in Papua in a comprehensive roadmap. We will not give our support unless the government provides a clear and broad roadmap to be implemented in Papua,” the Golkar politician added.

According to Tantowi, the House received an official letter from Jokowi on May 7 seeking political support from the House for a plan to free more political prisoners following the release of five political detainees in Jayapura: Apotnalogolit Lokobal, who was serving a 20-year sentence, Numbungga Telenggen, serving a life sentence, Kimanus Wenda, serving 19 years, Linus Hiluka, serving 19 years and Jefrai Murib, serving a life sentence.

There are currently around 90 political prisoners detained in prisons around the restive region, including prominent political activist and former civil servant Filep Samuel Karma, who is serving a 15-year sentence for raising the banned Bintang Kejora (Morning Star) flag during a political rally in 2004.

In the press conference that followed the meeting, the ministers declined to discuss the plan, but did stress that Papua was not off-limits for foreigners, including foreign journalists.

“We’ve explained our responsibility in Papua, which is related to access to the land,” Retno said, explaining that her ministry had recorded an increase in permits issued to foreign journalists since 2011.

The House’s summary rejection of the plan to free Papuan political prisoners disappointed human rights campaigners, who expressed hope that the legislature would come round.

“We recommend that lawmakers politically support the government’s proposal, because the prisoners are not guilty. Set them free, for the sake of humanity,” said Andreas Harsono of Human Rights Watch.

Andreas highlighted Filep’s case as an example of wrongful arrest that contravened international law. 

Poengky Indarti of Imparsial said that granting amnesty to political prisoners in Papua would help to regain the trust of the region’s people.

“It is part of a solution to solve problems in Papua peacefully,” she said.

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2) Papua without political  prisoners
Neles Tebay, Jayapura, Papua | Opinion | Tue, June 23 2015, 6:09 AM - 
Since its integration into Indonesia on May 1, 1963, Papua has been a land of conflict. There has been a conflict between the government and indigenous Papuans, more particularly with those Papuans who have been fighting for independence from Indonesia. Many Papuans have become political prisoners. 


Nevertheless, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo has started to free Papuan political prisoners. During his presidential visit to Papua, President Jokowi released five political prisoners on May 9 in Jayapura, the capital. They were Apotnalogolik Lokobal (sentenced to 20 years), Klimanus Wenda (sentenced to 20 years), Linus Hiluka (sentenced to 20 years), Numbangga Telenggen (sentenced to life) and Jefrai Murib (sentenced to life). 

Their release, according to President Jokowi, was intended to  promote conflict resolution and help Papua become a land of peace. 

The clemency was perceived as an expression of his personal and moral commitment, as well as his political will, which brings hope for lasting peace.

The release of prisoners indeed constitutes an initial step toward turning Papua into a land without political prisoners. We now have new hope that one day all Papuan political prisoners will be set free at last. 

According to Papua Behind Bars, an NGO working for Papuan political prisoners, 28 Papuan political prisoners have not yet been released. As Jokowi’s government is reportedly working to release all of them, the release of all political prisoners is just a matter of time. 

Eventually, there will be no more political prisoners in the western half of New Guinea. 

A Papua without political prisoners could be created not only by releasing all political prisoners, but first and foremost by addressing the root causes that cause Papuans to easily become political prisoners. 

According to Papuans, this is because the political issue has not yet been addressed. The unsettled political issue is illustrated in a variety of situations: (1) the waving of the Morning Star flag, which is the flag of the Free Papua Movement (OPM), (2) the call for independence, (3) the stigmatizing assumption that all Papuans are separatists, (4) the call for a referendum, (5) demonstrations supporting West Papua through the UN Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) to become a member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), (6) the Papuan resistance movement (both the armed wings that raise resistance against the government in the jungle and the diplomatic wings comprised of Papuans conducting diplomacy for the independence of West Papua in different foreign countries), (7) the killing of Indonesian soldiers and police by Papuan rebels and (8) the killing of Papuan rebels by Indonesian army and police. 

These individual cases should not be seen as isolated problems that have to be settled separately. They are simply reflections of the unsettled political issues, just like smoke indicating that there is fire.

The detention, torture and sentencing to life sentences of indigenous Papuans will never settle the political issues that produce Papuan political prisoners. A political problem can only be settled with a political solution. 

All the stakeholders, therefore, should be involved in identifying those political issues that cause the emergence of Papuan political prisoners and jointly determine solutions accepted by all parties concerned. 

There will likely be new Papuan political prisoners in the near future. Hundreds of young Papuans held demonstrations on May 20 and 21 in Papua and West Papua in support of becoming a member of the MSG, which is now holding a leaders’ meeting and summit in the Solomon Islands capital of Honiora.

The demonstrations were organized by the National Committee of West Papua (KNPB). Four members of the KNPB were detained by police in Manokwari and declared suspects. If brought to justice and sentenced to years in prison, they will be the first four new Papuan political prisoners after the release of the five political prisoners by President Jokowi. 

More Papuans will become political prisoners for waving the Morning Star flag or for organizing demonstrations that call for a referendum, unless a comprehensive solution for Papua’s political issue is discovered. 

Thus the government should initiate political communication with those Papuans who associate themselves with the OPM. 

As stated by Defense Minister Gen. (ret.) Rymizard Ryacudu, the central government is willing to engage in a peaceful dialogue with the OPM and is reportedly slated to visit Papua to meet them.

We can now expect a dialogue between the government represented by Ryamizard and the OPM. They could produce some realistic and durable solutions agreed to and accepted by both parties to address all the issues that have been triggering the conflict in Papua for 52 years. Several meetings would be needed to arrive at a jointly agreed upon political solution. 

Therefore, the government’s dialogue with the OPM needs to be supported by all parties including the provincial and regional governments in both Papua and West Papua. Initially, an internal dialogue involving both indigenous Papuans and migrants would need to come up with a concept of a “land of peace”, identify issues that have to be settled and solutions that could address the issues.

All the results of the internal dialogue could be used as material for discussions in further dialogues, including in the dialogue between the government and the OPM. 

Once the Papua issue is tackled through a peaceful dialogue, then Papua could be transformed into a land without political prisoners. 
__

The writer is a lecturer at the Fajar Timur School of Philosophy and Theology and the coordinator of the Papua Peace Network in Abepura, Papua.
 

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TUESDAY, 23 JUNE, 2015 | 05:04 WIB
3) TNI Chief Mulls Policy to Protect Foreign Journalists

TEMPO.COJakarta - Indonesian Military Chief General Moeldoko said his institution is considering implementing a policy of having security personnel to accompany foreign journalists in Papua to avoid untoward incidents.
"I am considering appointing guards to accompany foreign journalists so we can guide and protect them in case any dangerous situation arises," Moeldoko stated on Monday.
The military chief was attending a hearing with Commission I of the Indonesian House of Representatives, Minister of Foreign Affairs Retno Marsudi and Chief of the State Intelligence Agency Marciano Norman. They discussed the amnesty and abolition policy applied to political prisoners in Papua.
Moeldoko added that the effort to provide assistance to foreign journalists was to ensure their safety.
The Indonesian Military will support all policies of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) for unity in Indonesia, he affirmed.
"At the hearing, we will further discuss the potential of the policy," Moeldoko remarked.
In addition, a member of Commission I of the House of Representatives, Tantowi Yahya, pointed out that the hearing was a follow-up to the letter the president sent on May 7 regarding granting amnesty and the abolition policy for political prisoners in Papua.
Furthermore, the Deliberative Body of the Indonesian parliament decided to refer the case of the Papuan political prisoners to Commission III.
 
ANTARA


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MONDAY, 22 JUNE, 2015 | 21:48 WIB
4) Minister: Foreign Journalist Were Never Banned from Papua

TEMPO.COJakarta - Minister for Foreign Affairs Retno Marsudi, said that there has never been a ban in place for foreign journalists to operate and report from Papua. "The government has never forbade foreign journalists and civilians from visiting Papuan soil," said Marsudi at the House of Representatives (DPR) Complex in Jakarta on Monday, June 22, 2015.
In fact, continued Marsudi, President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo had previously given directives for foreign journalists on what sort of reporting is permitted in Papua. "The President's directives was welcomed by the international community," Retno said.
According to data released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said Retno, there are currently 22 foreign journalists that are currently reporting from Papua.
"We have all the data. Throughout 2014, there were 22 visits that were approved by the government - which meant that there were practically no objections from the government. The government would only object if there are administrative requirements that have not been met, or if the security situation does not allow for safe reporting from Papuan territory. A reporting ban never existed in Papua," said Retno.
ANTARANEWS
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5) West Papuans would take MSG observer status
Updated at 2:32 pm today
The West Papuan group applying to join the regional agency, the Melanesian Spearhead Group, says it would accept observer status but wants full membership.
The secretary general of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua, Octo Mote, says membership is needed to highlight the human rights abuses in the Indonesian region.
The leaders of the MSG, representing Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji and the Kanaks of New Caledonia, meet this week in Honiara.
At least two of the countries are pushing for the ULMWP to get observer status.
Mr Mote says the decision is for the leaders to make.
We will take any position the leaders think that that's the best, but of course, as a political leader myself I would fight for full membership, because we know that's the only way to stop this crime against humanity."
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6) Students arrested at fundraising rally in Papua
Updated at 10:20 am today
14 members of a student group have been arrested by police in the Papuan town of Abepura, as they raised funds for a probe into the shooting deaths of fellow students last year.
The shooting in December, at a peaceful rally in Paniai, has led to accusations against police and military for opening fire on uniformed school children.
The students, from the Independent Student Forum, were fundraising to support the National Commission on Human Rights team, which was formed to look into the incident.
According to a report in Step Magazine, police told the students to disband, but they formed again in another part of town and were then arrested.
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7) Freeport Invests $4 Billion Despite Contract Uncertainty

By Primus Dorimulu on 10:04 am Jun 23, 2015
Tembagapura, Papua. Freeport Indonesia, a local unit of US mining giant Freeport McMoran, has sunk $4 billion to support its underground mining activities in Papua while it awaits certainty over its contract extension after its concession ends in 2021, a top executive at the company said.
Freeport has built a 500 kilometer long tunnel and other facilities for its underground mining to support its current activities and exploit the 10,000 hectares of its concession area in the Grasberg mine in Papua.

Freeport sealed its basic agreement with the government of Indonesia in 1967 under the regime of President Suharto, which was inked under the second generation of contract of works before renewing the deal in 1991.
The Indonesian copper and gold miner’s new chief Maroef Sjamsuddin explained to chief editors invited to Tembagapura, Papua, that the US controlled miner has invested up to $11 billion since it began commercial operations.
The miner plans to invest more in Indonesia, about $17 billion to build a copper smelter and develop its underground gold and copper mines in the Grasberg mine complex, about 60 kilometers from Mimika, the capital of Mimika Regency of Papua.
“Only when there’s certainty, this new investment will be disbursed,” said Maroef, a retired two starred general of the air force and former deputy to chief of the nation’s intelligence agency (BIN), in a discussion with chief editors on Saturday.
Previous news reports said Freeport will build a smelter in East Java that would cost more than $2 billion and will spend another $15 billion in a multi-year investment plan to expand its underground mining operation at Grasberg.
However, due to the slow production from 2008 of its open pit in Grasberg, Freeport has developed its infrastructure to support its underground mining activities.
By September this year, two huge fans that needs 2,200 KiloWatts are expected to start operating to supply fresh air for underground mining workers, such as the stone breakers and those operating the conveyors.

Declining Production
In normal conditions, Freeport is capable of processing about 200,000 to 240,000 tons of ore per day on average. It saw its peak production in 2008, when the average production could reach 238,000 tons per day. However, production has declined after lawmakers approved mining laws in 2009 that prohibited the export of unprocessed mineral from Southeast Asia’s largest economy after January 12 last year.
The government wanted to boost the value of commodities extracted from Indonesia. Additionally, the government also wanted miners to build smelters, renegotiate contracts and change their mining permit from a contract of work with equal standing between the government and miner to a special mining business permit (IUPK) which reduced some of the miners privileges and legal rights.

The biggest issue that arose from the implementation of the policy was that for a long time for miners in Indonesia like Freeport, there was a shortage of smelters in the country even if they wished to process all of their ore before exporting it. Other problems were that it had been in long term contracts with other smelter operators and still had to honor its obligations under those contracts.
In response, Freeport argued that since the initial deal with Indonesia was to allow for an export of concentrates and that the deal with these international smelters were signed earlier, Freeport should therefore be allowed to honor their commitments until the end of their deals.
At the end of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s term, Indonesia saw an increasing economic nationalism sentiment, which resulted in policies that sought to strengthen the government’s position over miners.
After going through tough negotiations, Freeport was able to secure a six month extension of its export permit through a memorandum of understanding on contract re-negotiations in January after itsettled on Gresik as the location of its new smelter which plans to produce up to 2 million tons of processed metal.

Racing With Time
However, Freeport remains anxious about the future of its investment since their current contract will end in 2021 and according to the current government regulations, a miner will only be eligible to request an extension in 2019.
In anticipation of this, Freeport is racing ahead of the 2017 depletion of surface resources at its Papua mine site, forcing it to go all out for activities in underground mining.
“We need certainty, otherwise, Freeport’s production falls by 70 percent by 2017,” said Maroef.

Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources Sudirman Said has been quoted saying “their output is already slowing, that is not what we want.” He further added that the company should wait until 2019 to make a decision whether to invest or not as it might see a sharp decline in production.
In 2014, productions of Freeport Indonesia has declined to an average of 118,000 tons per day from 179,000 tons. These figures are startling compared to other contract of work holders who were unable to secure support and re-negotiate their contracts wherein Freeport has been allowed to export up to 580,000 tons of concentrate for January-July.
However, the government is still pushing for progress over Freeport’s commitment to build the Gresik smelter, promised by Freeport. The Gresik smelter, which has a planned capacity of 2 million tons, will support Freeport’s capabilities to process ore concentrates to 3 million tons per year.

The production of the Gresik smelter adds to their existing pressure since Freeport’s production reports have been less than promising. Out of the average production of 179,000 tons of ore produced per day last year, only 50,000 tons of ore have been cultivated from the underground mining.
By plan, in order for investors to be convinced that a further massive investment will remain strong, Freeport is targeting that by 2017, it would be capable of producing 160,000 tons of concentrate per day from its four underground mining sites, which will be the biggest in the world.
Maroef said his company has sent a letter to the Energy and Mineral Resources Minister to ask for support for a contract extension after 2021. In July, Freeport must also deal with the ministry again to extend its 6-month export permit.
The president director said uncertainty over a permit extension in the upstream sector would impact negatively on the company adding that the plan to build a smelter with a capacity of 2 million tons per year could be wasted.

Freeport Wants An Extension Until 2041
Freeport has agreed on major changes on their part in its contract, as it seeks to ensure a contract extension until 2041. However at present, they are only permitted to extend the contract for a maximum of 20 years, which is divided into a two 10-year term.
However, Freeport seeks to improve their end of the bargain. For example, the company has agreed to increase their royalty fees to the government for copper to 4 percent of total sales from 3.5 percent previously, for gold to 3.75 percent from 1 percent previously, for silver to 3.25 percent from 1 percent previously.
Freeport also seeks to improve their income tax levies which are at 35 percent, higher than 25 percent that companies in Indonesia typically pay.
The company has also agreed to divest more shares in Indonesian entities, where they have increased their obligations to only sell 9.36 percent to 30 percent. Additionally, the company has also agreed to increase local content use to 90 percent from 71 percent previously.

The US-controlled company also had said that within 42 years of its operations in Indonesia, it has contributed to the state up to $15.6 billion in direct contributions and $29.5 billion in indirect contributions.
Direct contributions include taxes, royalties, dividends and other liabilities, while their indirect contribution have included salaries to their workers, domestic purchases and other investments that have stimulated growth in the region.
Maroef said Freeport has created jobs for nearly 30,000 people in the country of which 97.4 percent are from Indonesia. “The engineers working in underground mining are all from Indonesia,” he said. Of the total Indonesian workforce, 27 percent are native Papuan and more than 95 percent of the gross revenue of the Mimika regency comes from Freeport.
Maroef also revealed that from 1992-2014, the company’s total investment of $1.3 billion has also been enjoyed by the public in their projects to build roads, an airport, schools and hospitals.

According to Muhammad Said Didu, the head of the energy ministry’s smelter development acceleration, the ministry is looking to have a legal breakthrough to ensure that Freeport attains certainty in the renewal of their upcoming permit.
State Secretary Pratikno said currently, under the new mining law, the standing position between the government and Freeport has changed. “The position of the state is stronger,” said Pratikno. Still, he acknowledged that “a one sided action, such as terminating the contract [towards Freeport] would not settle problems. It would only create new problems, and the economy in Papua will suffer… Investment climate [will] get hurt and the geo-political position of Indonesia [will] get weakened,” he said.
Maroef said the company has sent a complete proposal to the energy ministry to ensure it can be granted a concession until 2041, and has reported all of its activities to the minister, but says that it’s up to the president to decide Indonesia’s stance over the matter. “The minister will discuss this with the president,” said the president director.
Investor Daily

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This is part 4 of former Fairfax Media Indonesia correspondent Michael Bachelard's series on Papua. The introduction to the series is here and here are part 1part 2 and part 3.
'In June last year, seven doctors were sent to this town, but five didn't want to come. In September they tried to send another four and all four went back to Jakarta.'
Dr Poby Kamendra is the head doctor at the puskesmas (local health centre) in Bokondini, a town that once served as a Dutch colonial administrative centre in the highlands of Indonesia's Papua. He is from Sumatra, sent by the Indonesian health ministry for a two-year stint as part of a program to service the outer islands.

The Tabuni family of Wamena struggling with two members suffering from HIV/AIDS. (January 2013/Michael Bachelard.)
Poor education in Papua means there are few locally trained doctors. But not many from outside Papua want to stay in these hard postings with their thorny health problems. 
One young physician arrived for his two-year stint in a taxi via the bumpy road from Wamena. He got out and looked around, then climbed back into the same taxi, returned to town and was never seen again.
Dr Poby, by contrast, finds the work satisfying. On the desk in the consulting room are testing kits for patients diagnosed that day with tuberculosis which, along with HIV/AIDS, is in epidemic proportions here. In the eleven months to November 2014, he diagnosed 26 new cases of HIV and three of AIDS. 
Dr Poby has educated many people about how to take the HIV medication. It's provided free under an Indonesian Government program, but village people find it difficult to stick to the schedule for taking it. He's introduced an immunisation program, particularly for tetanus, which is common but for which patients previously had to find their way to Wamena. He has also trained health kaders, or village-level honourary providers. In mid-2015, Dr Poby's tour ends and he will go back home.
Bokondini's health centre is part of a network of 25 in the local region. But only two of these centres (the other is in the capital, Tolikara) are operational; the remote centres remain empty, their staff absent. Even in Bokondini, most of the local staff don't turn up, though they are punctilious about collecting their salaries. Dr Poby points to a roster behind him that contains more than 20 names, but he, an assistant and a nurse (who is also from outside Papua) are the only ones on duty when I call. 
The money to run the centre, buy medications and do outreach in the hills is rorted long before it gets to the front line. 'The allocated budget for this centre is 100 million rupiah (about $A10,500) for three months operation. But we only get 65 million,' Dr Poby says. 'In 2013, from an allocated budget for outreach (visits to remote villages) we only got 15 million ($A1580). It was supposed to be 125 million ($A13,200). So what can you do?...I don't know where the money went; it went missing before it got to the puskesmas.'
Prior to Dr Poby's arrival, it is said, the head of the health clinic herself would wait for the fresh medicine to arrive, then board the truck, drive it back to Wamena and sell it to the pharmacy there. 
There are also racial problems – the ethnic Papuan patients do not always trust the Malay-Indonesian doctors. 'People will say "those straight hairs are always trying to kill us, poison us, giving us the wrong medicine"', says veteran Wamena-based missionary Sue Trenear. 'If someone dies there has to be a reason. Someone has cursed them, given us the wrong medicine.'
Up at Lolat, an even more remote village, the head of the health centre, Elsona, a local man, actually lives in Wamena, and so the Indonesian-built health centre never opens. Honourary kaders, women from the village who learned their skills from the missionaries decades ago, have built their own consulting room with local materials. 
Their leader, Lea Sobolim, learned what to do from the missionaries. On the day I visited, she treated ten people using medicine brought by a local NGO, Yasumat. The local government, recently formed after a split from a larger administrative area, has no distribution method. 'If patients come they'll get medicine if they are sick, but the other facilities are not there, like towels, heating water,' Sobolim tells me. 'In the missionaries' time those things were basics'.
Sobolim, limping up and down muddy paths, gives off an air of maternal competence. She can administer almost all medicines, she boasts: 'Injections, depending on the illness. If the patients have malaria, they have to go to Wamena. If they are wounded from being cut, I'll treat them.' 
Stitches? 'I can do them.'
Broken bones? 'Yes.'
Service delivery to remote regions is a tricky affair even in a rich country such as Australia. But in Papua, with HIV/AIDS on the move, life expectancy at about 50 years, and no apparent plan to address the problem, the need for a better solution is acute.
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1) PNG Ignores West Papua at Its Own Peril

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2) Solomons police ban alcohol for MSG meeting
3) Leaders arrive for MSG summit

4) Police Release One KNPB Activist

5) Third Party Not Needed in Jakarta-Papua Dialogue
6) Minister announces 500,000 hectare new sugar plantations in Merauke, Aru, SE Sulawesi.
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1) PNG Ignores West Papua at Its Own Peril
By Dr Jim Elmslie
                                                                                                     Ilustration – suplied
Honiara, Jubi – When considering the West Papuan application for MSG membership, Papua New Guinea should look closely at its own national interests.
These national interests are threatened by the explosive demographic changes and economic development currently underway across West Papua, but particularly along the 800 kilometer border with Indonesia.
PNG’s faces the very real risk of large numbers of West Papuan refugees destabilizing the entire western portion of the country, and the inevitable Indonesian military incursions that would follow.
The core of this threat is the fact that West Papua has suffered a demographic catastrophe since the Indonesian military takeover in 1962. Since 1971 the Papuan portion of the population has declined from 96% to less than 50% across the whole country.
In urban areas migrants make up the overwhelming majority, although in most rural areas Melanesians are still the majority. However as the migrant population continues to grow at 10.82%, while the Papuan population grows at only 1.84%, if current policies continue the Papuans will make up less than a third of the population by 2020 and thereafter be a dwindling minority.
Where this is relevant to PNG is that the two population groups: Christian Melanesian Papuans, and Muslim Asian Migrants, are fundamentally very different.
Furthermore research by Indonesian scholar, Cypri Dale, in the Keerom area between Jayapura and the PNG border near Vanimo, shows that the two groups live very different lives.
In this region in 2010, 60% of the population were migrants and 40% Papuans (using the above growth rates for the two groups would put the current population breakdown at 70:30 respectively in 2015). The two groups live in clearly defined areas with migrant regions containing almost all the sealed roads; electricity supply; running water; doctors and health facilities; schools, and government services, with the exception of military posts, most of which were in the Papuan areas. Economic and social development has been effectively ‘captured’ by the migrants.
Furthermore the two groups fear and mistrust each other: the migrants considering the Papuans backward and dangerous, while the Papuans are resentful of the migrants and terrified of the Indonesian military and police, who always side with migrants when conflicts arise.
Worse still, recent anecdotal reports have indicated that the police and soldiers are arming migrants. All this is creating a powder keg environment where even a small conflict can quickly escalate. The Papuans will lose these conflicts and the potential, or perhaps inevitability, of refugees is obvious. As are the consequences for PNG by having large numbers of refugees on its side of the border.
A key driver of this corrosive development is the loss of Papuan traditional land, both from the increasing number of migrant farmers establishing and expanding their operations, and by the establishment of large scale (over 20,000 hectare) oil palm plantations.
Massive oil palm plantations are planned or underway across West Papua, with the biggest single development in the Merauke region (on PNG’s southern border region). The Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate will comprise of as much as 5 million hectares, with the first 1.25 million hectares fast tracked two weeks ago by President Jokowi to be completed in three years. The local landowners have not been consulted at all.
One possible action to slow or halt these processes is the recognition of traditional lands rights. Mechanisms already exist on a national scale for these rights to be granted under Indonesian law, as shown by Australian land rights researcher, Clancy O’Donnell.
Specifically these laws are the Indonesian Forestry Law 1999 and the Village Law 2014. These laws would enable traditional land owners to determine how their land is used, thus empowering them to stop the establishment of oil palm plantations. All they need is the provincial legislature in Jayapura to pass enabling legislation for the national laws to be triggered.
Here’s the rub. Many Indonesians, starting with President Jokowi, believe that it is in the national interest of Indonesia to develop these regions with more plantations and more migrants to work on them. They don’t want the process impeded by Papuan land rights, so the enabling laws are not passed.
This illustrates that PNG and Indonesia have fundamentally different national interests over West Papua. For PNG this is crucial: the country has enough grave problems without having its north coastline (Vanimo to Wewak) burdened with large numbers of refugees.
Indonesia is mostly concerned about ensuring the sovereignty of the Papuan provinces and sees this best achieved by marginalizing the Papuans and developing the border – except that this creates the problems outlined above.
In the end this might prove to be a disastrous choice for Indonesia. It may well result in large scale intercommunal violence that damages Indonesia’s international image and actually promotes international support for the West Papuan independence movement.
How can these problems be tackled? One way is by giving the Papuan umbrella group, the United Liberation Movement for West Papua membership in the MSG.
This would put pressure on Indonesia to start dealing fairly with its Melanesian citizens by recognizing their land rights through the implementation of enabling legislation in the provincial assembly, as well as reigning in gross human rights abuses that have reached epidemic proportions in 2015 (largely in response to the ULMWP bid for the MSG).
This need not question Indonesia’s sovereignty over West Papua, but would be an expression of support for West Papuan self-determination, particularly on the ground in villages where most West Papuans live.
If the MSG gives membership to Indonesia this chance will have been lost. Indonesian officials, whatever their race, will be obliged to follow Jakarta’s orders. Even if the representatives are the Governors of the Indonesia’s Melanesian provinces, as has been suggested) their ability to talk openly will be severely curtailed: former Papua Governor, Jap Salossa, is widely believed to have been poisoned in 2005 (a common tactic in West Papua) when he criticized Jakarta, although he was buried without an autopsy; yet another murky death in a land where many thousands have died mysteriously, or simply disappeared.
ULMWP is the only organization that can talk openly about the problems that exist in West Papua. Clearly this organization’s aim is independence for West Papua. This is because it is almost a universal sentiment amongst West Papuans that only through independence will they be able to live in peace and freedom, with their basic land and human rights respected.
They are rapidly gaining support throughout the region and across the world, driven by social media broadcasting gruesome evidence of ongoing gross human rights violations. It is actually in Indonesia’s interests to engage in meaningful dialogue with the West Papuans under the auspices of the MSG, something they would be forced to do if ULMWP was admitted.
The geographic centre of the debate over West Papua would shift from Jakarta to Port Vila, where the MSG is headquartered. This would be a good thing too.
It would force Jakarta to develop a clear policy on West Papua rather than the fractured and contradictory profusion of policies that now exist: even when the President announces policies such as allowing the entry of journalists, or the end of transmigration, he is immediately over ruled by ministers and bureaucrats. When the President himself cannot explain government policy it is clearly in a shambles.
As with all conundrums opportunity lurks: common ground must be sought and creative win-win policies pursed. For PNG that clearly lies with including UMLWP in the MSG as a way of protecting its western regions from refugees fleeing the humanitarian disaster unfolding in West Papua.
For Indonesia it would force the country to come to terms with its Melanesian subjects, not through marginalization, dispossession and annihilation – which will actually increase international support for West Papuan independence while running the very real risks of mass violence and even genocide, but through dialogue and negotiation.
And for the West Papuans themselves, victims as they are of an arbitrary European imposed border, any improvement in their basic rights would be a real gain, although they are unlikely to give up their calls for independence any time soon.
Dr Jim Elmslie is Visiting Scholar at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney. His book, Irian Jaya Under the Gun: Indonesian Economic Development versus West Papuan Nationalism, was published by University of Hawaii Press in 2002.
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2) Solomons police ban alcohol for MSG meeting
Solomon Islands police have put in place a liqour ban for the duration of the Melanesian Spearhead Group Leaders summit.
All liqour outlets have been closed and black market areas are being patrolled by police.
Police says they are also concerned about unregistered groups gathering in support of the West Papuans, who have formally applied for MSG membership.
Senior police officers say people under the influence of liqour could be more expressive of their views which could spark problems.
However they remain optimistic that Honiara residents will remain supportive of their Melanesian leaders gathering on home ground.
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3) Leaders arrive for MSG summit
As the Fiji Airways flight arrived in Honiara on Tuesday afternoon, there was more than the usual interest.
How many leaders of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) would walk down the stairway?
First off the flight, which transited through Port Vila, were Fiji Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama and Victor Tutugoro of the Front de Liberation Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS). The missing dignitary was Vanuatu Prime Minister Sato Kilman, who will not travel to this week’s MSG leaders’ summit.
Kilman recently won a no-confidence motion against former Prime Minister Joe Natuman, but unresolved legal disputes have disrupted Vanuatu’s participation in the sub-regional meeting. Vanuatu will be represented instead by Johnson Naviti, the Director General of the Office of Prime Minister in Vanuatu, who arrived with the Fijian and FLNKS leaders.
Tutugoro led a large delegation of representatives from the four parties that make up New Caledonia’s independence movement. As the outgoing MSG Chair, Tutugoro will hand over to this year’s host, Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare.
Another key arrival on Tuesday afternoon was the head of Indonesia’s delegation to the meeting, Vice Foreign Minister Dr. A.M Fachir. Indonesia obtained MSG observer status at the 2011 summit in Fiji, and the high level representation reflects Jakarta’s hope that MSG leaders this week will upgrade Indonesia’s status to associate member.
The remaining MSG leader, PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill, is scheduled to arrive in Honiara on Wednesday.
Prime Minister Sogavare will host the official opening ceremony on Wednesday morning at the Solomon Islands national museum, before leaders hold a retreat on Thursday to discuss a wide-ranging agenda, including the application for MSG membership by the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP), a coalition of West Papuan nationalist organisations that have long been seeking support from their Melanesian neighbours. 
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4) Police Release One KNPB Activist

Jayapura, Jubi – One of the activists of the National Committee of West Papua (KNPB) in Yakuhimo region, Susan Bahabol, has been released by the authorities after being arrested early this month.
General Secretary of KNPB in Yakuhimo, Mark Suhuniap to Jubi that Bahabol was released by the police on June 16.
“Thanks for the prayer and support of the people of Papua because Yahukimo KNPB activists, Susan Bahabol has been released by the police because it is not proven wrong, “Suhun said to Jubi from Yakuhimo on last week.
Meanwhile, KNPB Spokesperson Bazoka Logo confirmed KNPB confirmed that Bahabol is free.
“Yes, Susan Bahabol has been released and she is proven innocent. Police arrested her arbitrarily but then freed her because police did not have strong evidence and no witnesses on the beating case,” he explained.
As written earlier by Jubi, police officers from the Police Yakuhimo, have arrested two activists of KNPB, Susan Bahabol and Aton Bahabol in front of the housing shop. “They were arrested by plainclothes police,” Marthen Suhuniap added. (Arnold Belau/ Tina)
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5) Third Party Not Needed in Jakarta-Papua Dialogue
Wamena, Jubi –An advisor to the cabinet secretary, Jaleswari Pramodhawardani, said the Papua issue should be settled within Indonesia, without the involvement of a third party.
“The Papua issue occurs in Indonesia. I think those problems should be prioritized in Indonesia, must be settled between Papua and Indonesia because it’s started from there” Pramodhawardani said during a seminar and workshop held by the Papua Peace Network on last week in Wamena.
She said in particular circumstances a third party will be needed but Indonesia must resolve the Papua problem by itself.
Meanwhile, the Chairman of the Communion Churches of Jayawijaya, the Rev. Abraham Ungirwalu said the central government must be ready to be corrected on the question of Papua.
He also said dialogue is a solution to the Papua conflict.
“Jakarta must have good faith. I agree with dialogue,” he said. (Ronny Hisage)

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6) Minister announces 500,000 hectare new sugar plantations in Merauke, Aru, SE Sulawesi.
By ADMIN 
Officials in Jakarta can’t seem to stop making pronouncements promising vast new agricultural expansion along the eastern frontier of the Indonesian state. In May President Joko Widodo announced 1.2 million hectares of rice fields to be developed in three years in the Merauke area of West Papua. Now his agricultural minister, Amran Sulaiman, has apparently said that the government has set aside 500,000 hectares of land for sugar cane plantations to supply ten new sugar factories. Here’s a translation of how Metro TV News reported the story:
Metrotvnews, Jakarta: Agriculture minister Amran Sulaiman has set aside 500,000 hectares of land to build sugar factories. The allocated land is spread over three areas: Southeast Sulawesi, the Aru Islands and Merauke.
Amran claims that the land is to accommodate investors who want to invest in developing sugar factories within the country. Until now, Indonesia has always imported raw sugar to be used in industry or to be refined.
“We had a joint meeting to discuss investment. Firstly, to talk about investment in sugar factories which are planned in Southeast Sulawesi. There are three alternatives (for land)”, Amran said at the Investment Planning Board’s (BKPM) offices in Jalan Gatot Subroto 44, South Jakarta on Wednesday 17/6/2015.
The land would be up to 500,000 hectares, he continued, so the capacity of each factory would be 10,000 tonnes of sugar per day. With this amount of land and ten factories, there would be 50,000 hectares for each factory.
“They would also need to have sugar-cane plantations. Each factory would need 50000 hectares of land”, Amran explained.
Meanwhile, the head of the Investment Coordinating Board Frangky Sibarani said that 26 investors had expressed an interest in the sugar sector. The funds they had prepared was no small sum, as the investment required for one sugar factory could be as much as 5 trillion Rupiah.
“The total would be 26 investors, 11 interested in sugar refining and the other 15 would want integrated operations with plantations.”, Franky concluded.
As usual, the central government appears to have paid no attention to the voices of the people who inhabit the far-flung extremities of the archipelago it controls. However, they surely must be aware that in recent years indigenous movements have resisted sugar-cane plantations in two out of the three areas earmarked. In the Aru Islands in 2013-2014, all sections of society united in opposition to the Menara Group’s 500,000 plantation there, and were eventually successful. Meanwhile, in Merauke, of around 24 companies which have been awarded location permits for sugar cane plantations since 2010, only two have actually started working. Indigenous opposition is an important factor in this, particularly in the western part of Merauke where action by the local Malind people saw off the Astra and Mayora groups in 2013.
What’s more, in both those areas, all land is supposed to belong to indigenous communities, therefore it is not up to the agriculture minister to decide how it gets used.
Jacky Manuputty, one of the activists in the #savearu coalition, was quoted in a Forest Watch Indonesia press release as saying:
“In assigning the Aru Islands as one of the areas for sugar development in Eastern Indonesia the Agriculture Minister is showing an arrogant and unilateral attitude, without concern for the desires of the indigenous people of Aru who have already strongly resisted this kind of plan before”. The indigenous people of Aru feel the government is lying to them with this declaration. This unilateral decision will ignite new tensions in the Aru islands “We will continue to put up resistance to this decision and the government should take responsibility for this”.
There is no further information available about the exact locations of the land, or in the case of Merauke, how this will fit with existing permits or the planned 1.2 million hectare rice estate. In the case of the Aru islands, the last thing we heard from central government was former Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hassan backing down from releasing state forest land for the last mega-sugar plan, as more light was being shed on the probable corruption involved. Then, he used the excuse that the land was actually not suitable for sugar-cane, but suddenly it appears to be once more. None of the news outlets which covered this story listed the names of the companies involved.
This entry was posted in Around West PapuaMerauke News and tagged  . Bookmark the permalink. Comments are closed, but you can leave a trackback: Trackback URL.
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1) MSG summit opens in Solomon Islands

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1) MSG summit opens in Solomon Islands
2) Sogavare: Membership bids to test MSG
3) West Papua faces crucial Melanesian diplomatic test
4) Economic opportunities  in Melanesian states
5) The Indonesian government cannot stand in the way of West Papuan people
6) Elect West Papua leaders for MSG: PM O’Neill
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1) MSG summit opens in Solomon Islands
By Nic Maclellan in Honiara Wed 24 Jun 2015


Panpipers perform at the opening of the MSG Leaders Summit in Honiara today.-- Photo Nic Maclellan
In a vibrant cultural display, Solomon Islands dancers, pan pipers and customary presentations welcomed Melanesian Spearhead Group delegations at the official opening of the 20th MSG summit in Honiara.
Summit host Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare was joined in the opening ceremony by Fiji Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama, FLNKS leader Victor Tutugoro, PNG Minister for Public Enterprise Ben Micah and Vanuatu’s Johnson Naviti, Director General of the Office of the Vanuatu Prime Minister.
The ceremony included a formal presentation to each of the delegations from the host island of Guadalcanal, known as chupu, including pigs, root crops and betel nut. The cultural welcome was acknowledged by a Fijian spokesman on behalf of the leaders and the FLNKS delegation made a customary presentation, acknowledging the welcome from the land owners and the people of the Solomon Islands.
The theme of this week’s summit is: “Let us build a strong Melanesia in the Pacific where peace, progress and prosperity is ensured and sustained for all”.
In his opening address, Prime Minister Sogavare highlighted the challenge of meeting the MSG’s ambitious strategy “MSG 2038 Prosperity for all.” Before his latest term of office, Sogavare served as a member of the MSG Eminent Persons Group (EPG) that reviewed the first 25 years of the sub-regional organisation, and developed the new 2038 plan as a vision for the next 25.
Already committed to an ambitious – and expensive – range of activities, the MSG is considering its relationship with the Council of Regional Organisations of the Pacific (CROP). With MSG member Papua New Guinea also preparing to host the next meeting of the Pacific Islands Forum in September, Sogavare said: “It is important that in considering any new initiatives and programs under the MSG, we must not duplicate the role of other regional organisations in the Pacific.”
Sogavare also spoke out strongly on one of the key decisions facing this week’s summit: the application for MSG membership by the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) and a proposal to upgrade Indonesia’s current observer status to associate membership. 
“All eyes will be on Honiara and the world is watching us and eagerly anticipating what the outcome will be when we deliberate on the application for new membership to the MSG,” Sogavare said.
In the stand of dignitaries, the opening ceremony was witnessed by a large Indonesian delegation, led by Vice Foreign Minister Dr. A.M. Fachir, and by an equally large delegation of leaders and members of the ULMWP.
Sogavare stressed that the “deliberations on these applications will test our commitment to a caring, progressive, peaceful and inclusive MSG.”
In a departure from his prepared text, he added: “They are not ordinary applications - they are applications that challenge many of the fundamental values that we in Melanesia profess to uphold as members of the United Nations and countries founded on the principles of Christianity.”
Sogavare said: “Let us not forget the dreams and wishes of our people to be part of our Melanesian family; the desire of our people for an inclusive MSG - an MSG that is able to stand for what is right in the world where such values are now struggling to survive.”
At the end of the ceremony, the Solomon Islands Prime Minister greeted members of the West Papua delegation, including ULM Secretary General Octo Mote and spokesperson Benny Wenda.
Sogavare’s strong public rhetoric reflects the widespread public support for the West Papuan movement shown by church, community and customary leaders in Solomon Islands. At Thursday’s leaders’ retreat, however, the MSG host must forge a consensus with his fellow leaders, who have publicly expressed divergent views on the applications. 
As Sogavare noted, the decisions on Indonesia and West Papua will be “a test of our genuineness to solve a problem between two next door neighbours in the interest of regional peace and stability.”
With PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill still to arrive in Honiara, the MSG leaders will hold a retreat on Thursday and a plenary on Friday receiving reports from senior officials and ministers, and forging a consensus on more challenging issues. 
As one delegate noted wryly to Islands Business: “We finished the Foreign Ministers’ meeting early. We’ve done all the easy ones, but have handballed a few tricky ones to the boss!”
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2) Sogavare: Membership bids to test MSG
Updated about 1 hour ago
The Solomon Islands Prime Minister says membership applications being considered at this week's Melanesian Spearhead Group leaders summit will be a test.
Speaking as host and new Chair of the MSG at the summit's opening ceremony, Manasseh Sogavare said the world is watching to see whether the MSG will accept West Papuan into the fold.
Manasseh Sogavare says the applications before the leaders will test MSG on its position on Human Rights and the rule of law.
He was referring to the application by the United Liberation Movement for West Papua to be a full member of MSG, and an application by Indonesia to have its current observer status elevated to associate member.
MSG leaders have hinted that the West Papuan bid is likely to fall short, but Mr Sogavare has voiced support for West Papuans to have observer status. Members of the West Papua delegation at the summit shed tears as they gathered around the Solomon Islands Prime Minister after his speech.
They say the Sogavare speech gives them hope.

PNG PM reiterates support for greater MSG representation.

Papua New Guinea's prime minister has reiterated his support for representation of all Indonesian provinces with Melanesian ethnicity at the Melanesian Spearhead Group.
Peter O'Neill is due in Honiara tomorrow to join fellow leaders of MSG member states at their leaders summit.
Leaders are expected to this week make a decision on an application for full membership in the MSG by the United Liberation Movement for West Papua.
Mr O'Neill has indicated his preference for greater MSG representation for all Indonesia's Melanesians, of whom there are estimated to be eleven million across five provinces.
The ULMWP however is representing indigenous Melanesians of West Papua and Papua provinces, who largely regard themselves as distinct from other Indonesian peoples.
Indonesia currently has observer status at the MSG but at this week's summit, leaders are understood to be considering elevating it to associate member status.
Mr O'Neill told PNG media that he welcomes West Papuan participation at the MSG but that it has to be done properly, in an orderly manner.
He says those representing West Papua must be elected, mandated leaders, rather than random groups or activists.
The prime minister has advocated for the elected governors of the five Indonesian provinces to represent their people at the MSG.
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3) West Papua faces crucial Melanesian diplomatic test
A make-or-break bid by West Papua's independence movement for diplomatic recognition by leaders of Australia's closest neighbours will dominate a meeting in Honiara this week.

The Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) comprising Papua New Guinea, Fiji, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and New Caledonia’s Front de Liberation Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS) will also consider a full membership application by Indonesia.
Outright rejection of the West Papuans by MSG could be a crippling political setback for the freedom movement.
West Papuan groups have been seeking independence from Indonesia since its controversial takeover of the former Dutch colony on the western half of New Guinea in the 1960s.
Hundreds of thousands are estimated to have died in the brutal conflict, with Indonesia accused of human rights abuses.
“It will test our commitment to the basic principles of human rights and the rule-of-law which are embedded in the United Nations charter, which the MSG member countries subscribe to,” Solomon Islands prime minister and MSG host Manasseh Sogavare told leaders at the opening ceremony.
“It is a test of our genuineness to solve a problem between two next-door neighbours, in the interest of regional peace and stability, ultimately it is a test to our claim to civilisation and good corporate citizens of planet Earth.”
For the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP), an umbrella group seeking independence from Indonesia, MSG membership would be the climax of years of lobbying efforts to secure a seat on an international forum to push their cause.
“The last 50 years the world ignored our cry for help and justice and peace,” West Papuan leader Benny Wenda told SBS.
“Without West Papua, Melanesia is not free, that’s why we’re confident that when West Papua becomes part of the MSG, it will bring peace itself.”
“We are demanding full membership, but if we are given observer status, we will accept that as a starting point.”
Benny Wenda, Jacob Rumbiak, other exiled West Papuan leaders and supporters have held colourful marches in Honiara over the past week to keep the pressure up.
Fiji and PNG are not expected to support membership for West Papuans, while Vanuatu and New Caledonia’s FLNKS have been long-time backers.
Vanuatu’s position is now uncertain and its leaders will not be at MSG because of a possible no-confidence motion in parliament this week.
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4) Economic opportunities  in Melanesian states
Sandy Darmosumarto, Jakarta | Opinion | Wed, June 24 2015, 6:19 AM - 
Among the highly contested issues in this year’s Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) Leaders’ Summit — to take place in Honiara on June 24 to 26— is the possible approval for membership of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) in the MSG.

Complementary to this membership admission is the idea that Papuan separatist movement groups would gain more leverage for their cause. On the opposite pole, many view Indonesia’s application to become an associate member of the MSG as merely a counter effort.

In reality, both applications for membership stand a significant chance of being rejected through split approval by the five MSG members.

With respect to ULMWP’s application, the majority of MSG members do not consider it an organization that meets the prerequisite of being an inclusive umbrella group that represents the solid and collective voice of Melanesians in Indonesia — not only in Indonesia’s Papua and West Papua provinces but also those in Maluku, North Maluku and East Nusa Tenggara.

While Vanuatu and the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS)’s constant support for self-determination of Melanesian groups will stand in the way of a consensus on Indonesia’s membership application.

Regardless of the outcome to these applications, recognizing the separatist movement in Indonesia’s Papuan provinces is not MSG’s main agenda — more so when a strong majority of MSG members have clearly agreed to honor Indonesia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in a joint statement from 2014.

That Indonesia has not been conducting intensive negotiations with Vanuatu and the FLNKS demonstrates the secondary nature of these membership issues to Jakarta.

Boosting economic development is MSG’s top priority, and Indonesia’s endeavor into Pacific Islands Countries (PICs) ought to aim at becoming an active part of this development effort. The six out of 15 MSG meetings dedicated to economic issues attest to this priority.

With PICs, especially Fiji, increasingly finding lobbying activities related to preferential access to Australia’s and New Zealand’s markets unsustainable, PICs have, in the past few years, been escalating significant trade activities with China, and — to a lesser extent — with Malaysia and Singapore. In return, China has been escalating direct investment into PICs.

For Indonesia, this leapfrog by China is a loss since it should have been Indonesia who escalated economic engagement with PICs and had been actively involved in economic transformation in PICs.

Indonesia, however, could benefit from China’s economic rise in PICs. Indonesian and Chinese maritime companies could share the burden of putting in place the necessary maritime infrastructure that would facilitate increased trade activities.

Projected Chinese involvement in developing maritime infrastructure within the Indonesian archipelago serves as a starting point for this joint endeavor. Amid plans to link the western and eastern Indonesian islands with sea routes and seaports, there exists an opportunity to link these maritime logistic facilities eastward into Papua New Guinea (PNG), Fiji and Solomon Islands.

These three MSG members are PICs that possess the largest population and sustained purchasing power to consume Indonesia’s export products and commodities. Thus, engaging in higher degrees of trade activities with them could potentially result in financial benefits.

Additionally, since 2011, export penetration from Indonesia to all PICs is significantly higher in PNG, Fiji and Solomon Islands — reaching a total value of US$201.7 million in 2014 alone. Apart from attempting to reduce the cost of logistics, Indonesia should also assist the three PICs in increasing the competitiveness of their economy.

Indonesia could replicate past experiences in developing sustainable small- to medium-sized enterprises to add more value to products derived from primary commodities, stimulate innovation of creative and tradable products and support PICs’ efforts to diversify away from unprocessed primary goods, which make up the majority of PICs exports.

Indonesian private sectors — especially those in plantations, mills, construction and food processing industries — should seek ways to expand their operations in the three PICs. Likewise, they should also invest in developing PICs’ tourist industries.

One common obstacle to increasing inbound tourists into PICs is the lack of a convenient network of scheduled flights. Hence, the Indonesian air transportation industry should escalate engagement with air carriers and governments from the three PICs to collaborate in enhancing air transportation linkages between Indonesia and the three PICs.

Additionally, Indonesian banks should start to look into opportunities in financing business development — including the maritime sector — in the three PICs. With increased connectivity as well as improvements in the production process, exports from PICs would eventually become competitive and seek additional foreign markets

Given the proximity and, by then, ease of access to Indonesia’s large market, including the 11 million Indonesians of Melanesian ethnicity (the largest in any one country in the world), Indonesia could serve as the engine for intra-Melanesian trade.

Additionally, over 15 soon-to-be-constructed passenger seaports within Indonesia’s Melanesian provinces could be reconfigured to also serve as short sea shipping points to cater to low-volume trade between Indonesia and the three PICs.

With improved maritime facilities, Indonesian ports could take over the role of transshipment destinations played by Australian and New Zealand ports for PICs exports going out to Southeast Asia and East Asia — and vice versa. 
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The writer is head of the Sub-Division for Political, Social and Security Affairs connected with the Regional Organization, the Bureau of the Foreign Minister and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia. The views expressed are his own.
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5) The Indonesian government cannot stand in the way of West Papuan people
 Wednesday 24 June 2015 12.05 AEST

For more than half a century, my people have suffered under a repressive military occupation that is estimated to have claimed 500,000 West Papuan lives. This is not something Indonesians read about every day, but it is a significant stain on Indonesia’s international reputation and its standing in the region.
Like many of you, I held great hopes for the new presidency of Joko Widodo. During his election campaign, he promised a fresh start for the relationship between Jakarta and the people of West Papua, including through the offer of a new political dialogue and the withdrawal of Indonesia’s military presence. Unfortunately, President Widodo has failed on both counts.

At this week’s meeting of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), the region’s leaders will gather in Honiara to decide whether to welcome the West Papuan people as the newest member of their preeminent political forum. 
West Papua’s membership of the MSG is long overdue. For more than 38 years, we were denied the right to refer to ourselves as Melanesians, but my people have stood steadfast in the face of a campaign to stamp out our culture, our human rights, and our dignity as a people. A majority of West Papua’s population remains ethnically Melanesian, and throughout the Pacific the sentiment is strong that we must have a seat at the MSG table. Unfortunately, the Indonesian government has sought to stand in our way. 
In recent months, Widodo and foreign minister Retno Marsudi have toured the region with empty promises of aid and diplomatic cooperation, making the case to Melanesian governments that West Papuan membership of the MSG would somehow be a threat to Indonesia’s interests and the region more broadly. They have even gone so far as to suggest that it would be more appropriate for Indonesia’s provincial governors to be granted associate membership of the MSG, while conveniently overlooking the fact that West Papua’s Melanesian population needs to be represented by its own political leadership.
The only legitimate representatives of West Papua are the West Papuans themselves. For too long, provincial “governors” imposed by Jakarta have engaged in iron fist administration, and not in the interests of the people they purport to represent. Many have been personally implicated in serious human rights abuses, which MSG leaders have previously condemned. And with Indonesian’s provincial governors now set to be directly appointed by Jakarta this will only get worse. 
Ultimately, the Indonesian government has no right or basis – legal or political – for standing in the way of a decision by Melanesian leaders for Melanesia, and only Melanesia. West Papua’s application for MSG membership is grounded firmly in the MSG’s own founding principles, including respect for and promotion of Melanesian cultures, traditions and values, the inalienable human rights of the indigenous peoples of Melanesia, and most of all, the spirit of Melanesian solidarity. As an observer of the MSG, Indonesia must adhere to these principles.
West Papua’s request for membership has been considered by MSG leaders at their meetings in 2013 and 2014. On both occasions, MSG leaders raised serious concerns about human rights violations and atrocities committed against the people of West Papua, and in June 2014, they invited West Papua to form an inclusive and united umbrella group in anticipation of a fresh application for MSG membership this year. The political leadership in West Papua responded quickly. In December 2014, we formed the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), and it is this new political platform that is seeking MSG membership for the people of West Papua.
While we have worked hard to respond to MSG leaders, we remain frustrated and dismayed that there has been no parallel progress on Indonesian undertakings to allow greater autonomy in Papua and to draw down its military presence in West Papua. 
As recently as March this year, Papua New Guinea prime minister Peter O’Neill confirmed that former Indonesian president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, had personally promised him that Indonesian forces would be withdrawn from West Papua. But on the contrary, Widodo last month took an additional 6,000 armed personnel with him during a visit to West Papua. Even the president’s own announcement that West Papua would now be opened up to visits from foreign journalists is seemingly being reversed by Indonesian ministers who seem hell-bent on preventing international eyes from seeing what is really happening on the ground to my people. In the minds of many Melanesian leaders, Indonesia simply can no longer be trusted. 
This week’s meeting in Honiara is a significant test for Melanesia’s leaders in the face of heavy pressure from a nervous Jakarta. But Indonesia has nothing to fear, other than the damage a continuation of the status quo will mean for its standing throughout the region. Just as the Kanak people of New Caledonia were granted full MSG membership before us, the West Papuan people need and deserve to be part of the Melanesian family, and the political grouping that handles its affairs. A positive decision in Honiara is in West Papua’s interest. It is in Indonesia’s interest too. 
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6) Elect West Papua leaders for MSG: PM O’Neill
By Online Editor
5:35 pm GMT+12, 23/06/2015, Papua New Guinea

West Papua will have a seat in the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) but must have mandated leaders representing them.

Prime Minister Peter O’Neill said this before leaving for the Solomon Islands to attend the MSG Leaders Summit to discuss among other issues the representation of West Papua on MSG.

“We welcome the participation of West Papuans to MSG. That’s what we are trying to facilitate. What we are trying to do is, find what is the right organisation that is going to represent the West Papuans at MSG?

“They must be elected, they must be mandated, they must be properly appointed to participate. We cannot have anybody coming off the street to say I represent West Papuans.

“We have to do it properly, in an orderly manner that we want to allow our brothers and sisters from West Papua to participate.

“Nobody is trying to deny them a seat on the table. We all want them to sit there, just like we have done with the Kanaks in New Caledonia. We must have a structure that is going to do so,” O’Neill said.

“My discussion with the president of Indonesia recently was very simple, there are five Papuan elected Governors in five provinces representing 11 million people.

“These are elected leaders, they are West Papuans, and not Javanese or other race therefore, they can represent West Papua on MSG.

“We will discuss it with other leaders, we are open-minded to this arrangement and we will make decisions that is consistent with what we have said before. The Kanaks is a very good example, we can use that as a basis of which we would allow our West Papuan Leaders to participate,” O’Neill said.

Meanwhile, PNG’s foreign Affairs and Immigration acting Secretary William Dihm attended the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) foreign ministers’ meeting at the Heritage Hotel in Honiara, the Solomon Islands.

He is standing in for Foreign Affairs and Immigration Minister Rimbink Pato at the two-day meeting, which started Monday.

The meeting has convened prior to the leaders’ summit to set the agenda for endorsement and deliberation by MSG leaders.

The meeting, under the theme; “Let us build a strong Melanesia in the Pacific where peace, progress and prosperity is ensured and sustained for all,” is attended by foreign affairs ministers from other MSG member countries.

Issues discussed included the report of the MSG trade ministers following their meeting in Port Moresby in November last year, the finance ministers and governors of central banks report, the criteria determining associate membership, the report of the senior officials’ meeting, cyclone recovery support to Vanuatu, and the MSG Secretariat report, among others.

In his opening remarks, Dihm acknowledged the significance of the MSG and the need to collectively address the political, economic, social environment and climate change issues in the region.

“We need to ensure connectivity in the MSG region through the promotion of business, trade and investment, education, employment and cultural exchanges.

“This could be carried forward and progressed through the recently endorsed MSG 2038 Prosperity For All Plan,” Dihm said.

Officials from the Prime Minister, Foreign Affairs and Immigration, and Environment and Conservation departments, Police, and Border Development Authority are supporting Dihm at the meeting.

SOURCE: POST COURIER/PACNEWS
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Video-Manasseh Sogavare on West Papua bid for MSG membership

FLNKS supports West Papuan membership bid

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http://www.islandsbusiness.com/news/melanesian-spearhead-group/6671/flnks-supports-west-papuan-membership-bid/

FLNKS supports West Papuan membership bid

“The MSG is an organisation of Melanesian countries”



                       Outgoing chair of the Melanesian Spearhead Group Victor Tutugoro -- Photo Nic Maclellan
On the eve of the Melanesian Spearhead Group leaders retreat, the outgoing MSG chair Victor Tutugoro has expressed his support for the West Papuan bid for MSG membership.
“In the past, the FLNKS gave support to the Palestinian people and the people of South Africa,” said Victor Tutugoro of the Front de Liberation Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS). “I’ll continue to do so tomorrow on behalf of the West Papuans, on the basis of solidarity amongst Melanesian peoples.”
Tutugoro, a leading member of the Kanak independence movement of New Caledonia, has served as MSG Chair since the last summit in 2013. In Honiara this week, he joins leaders and special envoys from Papua New Guinea, Fiji, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu for the 20th MSG summit - where the issue of West Papua is high on the agenda.
The FLNKS representative told Islands Business: “West Papua is on the MSG agenda today, here in Honiara in 2015, because the FLNKS gave the West Papuans a special status at the 2013 summit. At the time, no one wanted to invite them, no one wanted to see them, but the FLNKS invited them.”
Tutugoro said he would also encourage other MSG leaders against changing Indonesia’s current status as an MSG observer.
“The FLNKS is not in favour of this idea,” he said. “For the FLNKS, the MSG is an organisation of Melanesian countries. As I see it, Indonesia is not part of the Melanesian bloc.” 
“The MSG must remain for the Melanesian nations. There are other countries – from Tahiti to Tonga – who want to work with us. However there is the Pacific Islands Forum or the Pacific Islands Development Forum which could play that role - not the Melanesian Spearhead Group.”
Building regional trade 
In a wide ranging interview with Islands Business, Tutugoro reflected on his term as MSG chair, highlighting the elections in Fiji, New Caledonia and Solomon Islands during 2014 and the MSG’s work on trade and climate change.
Tutugoro endorsed the MSG’s focus on building trade relations between Melanesian countries and private sector development.
“At home, we have more and more companies that want New Caledonia to open up exchanges with the Pacific,” he said. “As the FLNKS, we have good relations with industrial associations that are eager to build trade relations with the countries of the region. 
“They were with us, for example, at the Trade Fair in Papua New Guinea in 2014. A number had good discussions with companies in Port Moresby and some even signed contracts. So now we hope to organise later this year, in November or December, the Third Melanesian Trade Fair – we’ve set up a steering committee with a number of local businesses that are enthusiastic about participating.”
He stressed the ongoing importance of the MSG for the Kanak people, as New Caledonia moves towards a new political status.
“In the 1980s, it was MSG leaders like Michael Somare, Walter Lini, Paias Wingti and others who supported the FLNKS – and this issue was at the heart of the MSG,” said Tutugoro. “Today, as we move towards the exit from the Noumea Accord, this is still important. 
“We’re heading towards a difficult time, as we move towards a referendum on self-determination. The closer we get to the vote, the more the anti-independence camp is divided. Earlier this year, relations between the three anti-independence parties were rotten, and in the government we were unable to discuss crucial issues for the future of our country.”
West Papuan unity essential
Tutugoro told Islands Business that his stand on West Papua was determined by the FLNKS’ status as a political movement and its long-standing policy of solidarity between colonised peoples.
“I represent the FLNKS,” he said. “We’re not a country, we’re not a sovereign state, which have trade relations and questions of sovereignty between them. I represent a political movement that is not bound by aid and trade relations. 
“I struggle for human rights in my own country and I struggle for solidarity between peoples – especially the peoples of Melanesia. Certainly afterwards, there are questions of sovereignty. But today, we’re talking about human rights, about people who are being killed, whose cultural dignity is under threat. The West Papuans are claiming their rights – universal rights.”
Tutugoro said the West Papua debate at the 2013 MSG summit began a positive discussion on the criteria for membership, and the different status that members could hold according to the MSG founding statutes. 
With divergent views amongst the MSG members in 2013, the membership application by the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL) was deferred. The report of a subsequent MSG ministerial mission to Jakarta and Jayapura was discussed at a special MSG summit in Port Moresby in June 2014. 
“The essence of this report was that were too many factions, too many movements who were claiming representation,” said Tutugoro. “It was agreed that they needed to regroup to create a front that could re-submit an application to the MSG. The other key outcome of the Port Moresby summit was that, regardless of this process, we would need to discuss all this with Indonesia.”
“What was decided in the June 2014 summit was exactly what the MSG decided for the FLNKS in the past,” he added. “Our own movement has a number of factions, of different groupings, but we were challenged to come together by previous MSG leaders. And that’s why we are where we are today – because we are united. 
“This is what we’ve seen with the West Papuans, who came together in Port Vila last December under the guidance of the churches. At this meeting, they formed the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP). This united movement submitted its membership application on 5 February 2015. I believe that these actions conform to the requests put forward by the MSG in 2014.”

1) Papua’s journalists tell hard truths about local cronyism and violence

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This is part 5 of former Fairfax Media Indonesia correspondent Michael Bachelard's series on Papua. Here is the introductionpart 1part 2part 3 and part 4.
Few work harder to advocate for the Papuan people than Victor Mambor. The son of John Mambor, who was a powerful independence leader, Victor has established himself as a robustly independent journalist, the editor of the newspaper Tabloid Jubi, based in coastal city of Jayapura, the capital of Papua province.
His newspaper is often the first to report news of arrests or killings. When four (originally reported as five) protesters were shot dead by soldiers in the highlands town of Enarotali in December 2014, it was Tabloid Jubi with the most credible and timely information.
But the situation Mambor sees and reports is much murkier and more complex than the binary story – Indonesian oppressors and Papuan victims – that some activists promote in both Papua and the West. 
Killings by the Indonesian state are still going on, particularly as palm oil plantation companies turn their attention to vast, forested lowlands, and start alienating traditional owners. Dozens of independence activists remain imprisoned by the Indonesian state, despite the promise of President Joko Widodo to release them, some for simply raising the banned Morning Star independence flag. And Mambor tells of the brutal indignities meted out by soldiers and the increasingly powerful police, including one story of students being tortured in police custody and, allegedly, by doctors at the police hospital.
Mambor himself is often stopped by a suspicious Indonesian military who remember his father's political activities and assume the son is the same. The night I meet him for dinner at a barbeque fish restaurant on the shore of Sentani in Jayapura, he rejects one restaurant after another because they are full of Indonesian military figures, and he does not want to be overheard.
But Mambor does not shy away from the untold story of Papua – the corruption and cronyism rife in the native Papuan political elite, and the tribal divisions and violence (including family violence) which kills far more people here than the Indonesian military or police. 
There has been a spate of killings in the highland region of Tolikara, he tells me, because the mining giant Freeport is exploring there. The killings are not carried out by a rapacious foreign company, nor the security forces acting in concert with them, but by local tribes. 'It's about money: who can own the land and has the right to sell it. There is so much killing there,' Mambor says.
He says soldiers sell bullets to independence activists to make money and perpetuate the conflict. The going rate, he says is 1 million rupiah (about $105) per bullet, and 26 million ($2740) per gun, 'paid with (illegally mined) gold'.
Indonesian President Joko Widodo, who has shown a genuine interest in Papua, will try his best to improve welfare in the province, Mambor says, but the hardliners in the police and military would 'try to keep this land as a conflict zone – they'll do their best.'
'And the hardliners are more powerful than him' he continued.
The only answer he can see is the elevation of the Papuan people through 'better education and better health'. The real tragedy, then, is the local corruption that steals any chance of progress. So many Papuans are dependent on government cash from Jakarta – either through village welfare schemes or public sector salaries for no-show jobs – while everyone mouths the rhetoric of independence.
The current crop of local leaders, Mambor believes, is 'not fighting for indigenous people's rights, but for bad strategy, violence, the wrong story, lies...West Papuan people are living in a dream. We want all freedom of course, but we cannot work together' he said.
Oktavianus Pogau (pictured above) is another journalist, the chief editor of newspaper Suara Papua. After the presidential election last year, he tried to draw attention to the massive irregularities and ballot box stuffing that delivered counts in some places of 100% for Joko Widodo. In most Papuan districts, there was no ballot box at all, but every man and woman miraculously managed to vote. He accuses politicised electoral commission officials, not Joko's party, of wrongdoing.
In the remote village of Lolat the fact that a ballot box never appeared for the election makes people feel they have no stake in the outcome. Asked about the promises of Joko Widodo, a young woman in Lolat says: 'We didn't actually elect him so why should he listen to what we say?'
Victor Mambor remembers the struggle he and his siblings faced just to be educated while their father spent long years in prison. Papua has to struggle again, he says, to fight for an education system worth its name, and a health system that does not kill its own people. Like almost all Papuans, he also wants freedom from Indonesia, 'and I believe it will come, but not yet. First we need to prepare.'
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http://www.pmc.aut.ac.nz/pacific-media-watch/west-papua-msg-representatives-must-be-mandated-says-oneill-9316 

2) WEST PAPUA: MSG representatives ‘must be mandated’, says O'Neill


Wednesday, June 24, 2015

Item: 9316

Isaac NicholasPORT MORESBY (PNG Post Courier/ Vanuatu Daily Post/ Pacific Media Watch): West Papua will have a seat in the Melanesian Spearhead Group, but must have "mandated leaders" representing them.

Papua New Guinea's Prime Minister Peter O’Neill said this before leaving for the Solomon Islands tomorrow to attend the MSG Leaders Summit to discuss, among other issues, the representation of West Papua on MSG.

"We welcome the participation of West Papuans to MSG. That’s what we are trying to facilitate," he said.

"What we are trying to do is, find what is the right organisation that is going to represent the West Papuans at MSG?"

O'Neill said: "They must be elected, they must be mandated, they must be properly appointed to participate. We cannot have anybody coming off the street to say, ‘I represent West Papuans'.
“We have to do it properly, in an orderly manner that we want to allow our brothers and sisters from West Papua to participate."
But chairman of the Vanuatu Christian Council Bishop James Ligo met with some of the MSG leaders to express the view that West Papuan people have a rightful place in the MSG.

He asked: "How come the MSG Leaders saw it fit to grant Indonesia which is not a Melanesian country, an observer status in the MSG, and not granting the real Melanesian people, the West Papuans, who have the rightful place in the MSG but keeping them out of the MSG bloc?"

MSG 'sacred'Ligo said it should be clear to all the leaders that the MSG is a “sacred nasara” (sacred space) belonging only to the Melanesian leaders and people and not to foreigners, such as Indonesia, which is not a Melanesian country.   

He said while the diversity of sharing the Pacific with other countries other than Melanesians is enjoyed, "when it comes to the MSG, we are entering a sacred nasara that only Melanesian leaders and people have the right to enter and dialogue in.

"West Papuan leaders and people have this right to while Indonesia does not have the right because it is simply not a Melanesian country."

But O'Neill said that nobody was trying to deny West Papuans a seat.

"We all want them to sit there, just like we have done with the Kanaks in New Caledonia. We must have a structure that is going to do so," he said.

"My discussion with the president of Indonesia recently was very simple, there are five Papuan elected governors in five provinces representing 11 million people.

"These are elected leaders, they are West Papuans, and not Javanese or other race therefore, they can represent West Papua on MSG."

O'Neill said this proposition will be discussed with the other leaders.

"We are open-minded to this arrangement and we will make decisions that is consistent with what we have said before.

"The Kanaks is a very good example, we can use that as a basis of which we would allow our West Papuan Leaders to participate".
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West Papuans wait on MSG with bated breath

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http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/277163/west-papuans-wait-on-msg-with-bated-breath

West Papuans wait on MSG with bated breath

A West Papuan leader Benny Wenda says the movement has taken heart from a passionate speech by the new chairman of the Melanesian Spearhead Group.
The Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare has been elected at the MSG meeting underway in Honiara.
West Papuans are awaiting a decision from the group on their application for membership of the MSG which.would give them their first official recognition in any regional or international fora since incorporation into Indonesia.
Mr Wenda who represents the United Liberation Movement for West Papua says Mr Sogavare's call for solidarity is encouraging.
“I think his speech is the really amazing ever and I think now its time for the Melanesian leaders to show the world that they can handle this problem because this is the longest struggle, 50 years is enough that's why it is time for Melanesian leaders to look at this issue and bring West Papua into Melanesia."
Solomons PM Manaseh Sogavare and leaders of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP)
Photo: Facebook

MSG knocks back West Papua bid, elevates Indonesia

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First report . Might be more clarification later
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http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/277208/msg-knocks-back-west-papua-bid,-elevates-indonesia

MSG knocks back West Papua bid, elevates Indonesia

Updated 31 minutes ago


The Melanesian Spearhead Group has knocked back West Papua's bid to become a full member of the group, while elevating Indonesia's status.
In a statement, Papua New Guinea's Prime Minister, Peter O'Neill, says the United Liberation Movement for West Papua will be given observer status as a "development partner representing the welfare of Melanesian people living outside."
Mr O'Neill says the decision reaffirms that representation at the sub-regional level must be made by mandated leaders elected by their people.
The ULMWP had hoped to follow in the footsteps of New Caledonia's FLNKS in obtaining full MSG membership without being a sovereign government, thus giving it its first recognition in an international fora since it was incorporated into Indonesia.
But Indonesia has embarked on a diplomatic push in the region in recent months, trying to prevent the West Papuans' bid and to increase its status in the MSG.
Jakarta's outreach has been successful, with Indonesia being elevated from observer status to that of an associate, to be represented by the elected leaders of the Asian country's five provinces with significant traces of Melanesian stock.
Mr O'Neill says this decision will pave the way for consultation between PNG and Indonesia, saying he believes the MSG has Jakarta's respect for the honesty and nature of its offer of cooperation over the sensitive issue of Papua.
The decision was brought forward by one day so Fiji's Prime Minister, Frank Bainimarama, could depart on Friday.
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ABC-Indonesia admitted to Melanesian Spearhead Group, West Papuan group given observer status

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Indonesia admitted to Melanesian Spearhead Group, West Papuan group given observer status

Updated about an hour ago

Indonesia has been admitted to the regional grouping of Melanesian countries after leaders of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) made the decision in Honiara.
A statement by Papua New Guinea's prime minister Peter O'Neill said the leaders of the MSG made the decision to admit Indonesia as an associate member during their summit in the Solomon Islands.
A group of West Papuan organisations, the United Liberation Movement for West Papua, applied to join the group but Mr O'Neill said they would instead be given observer status.
He said elected representatives from within Indonesia's five Papuan provinces would represent Indonesia at the MSG.
He said the United Liberation Movement would represent Papuans living outside Indonesia.
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1) PNG hails Indonesia’s admission into Melanesian group

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2) Indonesia Granted ‘Associate Member’ Status of MSG, West Papua Bid Unsuccessful 
3) For Papua’s independence activists, the struggle is about more than human rights

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1) PNG hails Indonesia’s admission  into Melanesian group 
Agence France-Presse, Sydney, Australia | World | Thu, June 25 2015, 5:29 PM -
Indonesia has been admitted to a Melanesian intergovernment group, Papua New Guinea Prime Minister Peter O'Neill announced Thursday, welcoming the move as an important way to strengthen peace and security in the region.
Indonesia last month announced plans to join the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) and has been welcomed as an associate member. It will be represented in the regional bloc by elected leaders of its ethnic Melanesian provinces Papua and West Papua.
The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) -- an umbrella body representing resistance groups in the province -- would also be given observer status, O'Neill added.
"Today is very a important day for peace and goodwill for our brothers and sisters living in Indonesia's Melanesian provinces," the PNG leader said in a statement after a meeting of MSG leaders in the Solomon Islands capital Honiara, where Indonesia's application was approved.
"I believe we have the respect of Indonesia for the honesty and genuine nature of our offer to offer cooperation on this sensitive issue.
"I further believe that groups such as ULMWP appreciate that our intentions are genuine."
The Melanesian Spearhead Group has Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and the French overseas territory of New Caledonia's independence movement FLNKS as members.
It was formed in 1986 to support the decolonization process and help regional liberation groups, but has since evolved into a regional body discussing trade and security issues.
Indonesian President Joko Widodo's move in May to remove reporting restrictions in Papua was seen as a sign that Jakarta was easing its tight grip on the mineral-rich province, where poorly armed fighters have for years fought a low-level insurgency against the central government.
Widodo has taken a keen interest in Papua, pledging to improve livelihoods in the heavily-militarized area which lags behind other parts of Indonesia in terms of development.
There are still regular bouts of violence in Papua, where insurgents are fighting on behalf of the mostly ethnic Melanesian population.
Jakarta took control of Papua, which forms half of the island of New Guinea, in 1963 from former colonial power the Netherlands. (iik)



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2) Indonesia Granted ‘Associate Member’ Status of MSG, West Papua Bid Unsuccessful 
By Jakarta Globe on 04:34 pm Jun 25, 2015 
Category Front Page, News, Politics 
Tags: Free West Papaua campaign, Melanesian Spearhead Group MSG,  United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULM), West Papua National Committee KNPB


Jakarta. Indonesia has been bumped up to an associate member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), while a pro-independence coalition from West Papua has been granted observer status.
Leaders from Fiji, Papua New Guinea (PNG), Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and New Caledonia’s pro-independence movement, the Front de Liberation Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS), signed a joint communique in the Solomon’s capital Honiara on Thursday.
The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULM), which represents a number of pro-independence groups in Indonesia’s two easternmost provinces, had sought full membership in a bid to push for self determination and to air human rights grievances.
PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill said in a statement that the ULM was given observer status a “development partner representing the welfare of Melanesian people living outside,” Radio New Zealand International reported.
Indonesia — which was granted observer status in 2011 — will be represented by leaders of from its ethnic Melanesian provinces of Papua and West Papua, according to AFP.
The ULM bid is the second time West Papua’s pro-independence movement has attempted to gain membership to the MSG. A similar bid in October 2013 by the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL) was rejected.
Indonesia stepped up its lobbying of Melanesian states to prevent the ULM proposal succeeding this year.
President Joko Widodo visited MSG member state PNG in May and called for closer ties with the country.
Foregin Affairs Minister Minister Retno L.P. Marsudi, meanwhile, took a whirlwind tour of three Melanesian states to discourage support of the ULM bid in March.


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3) For Papua’s independence activists, the struggle is about more than human rights
This is part 6 of former Fairfax Media Indonesia correspondent Michael Bachelard's series on Papua. Here is the introductionpart 1part 2part 3part 4 and part 5.
On a sunlit afternoon in the tiny village of Lolat, I ask a local school teacher, Natani Kobak, what subject he teaches. 'Pancasila,' he replies: the five-point Indonesian state ideology. 'I teach it for the students, but deep down I am not so happy about it'.

That relatively mild exchange causes a stir among the young men listening to Kobak's answer, who worry that I might go away ignorant of the true depth of their feelings regarding the Indonesian state. So, after sunset, they ask me to join them in a small room lit by battery-powered lamps in an otherwise darkened hut.
My Indonesian assistant, Runi, is banished to the verandah (they are suspicious because she's a 'straight hair' from Jakarta) and I am introduced to Justinus Balingga, from the neighbouring village of Bunahaik. He's from KNPB, one of the more active of Papua's independence groups, and third in charge in this region, Yahukimo.
KNPB is a legal organisation, so strictly speaking I was not breaching my commitment to the Indonesian Government, made when I sought permission to come to Papua, not to talk to 'separatists'. But this is clearly what Balingga is.
He starts by, in his words, 'disproving' Pancasila, one clause at a time, so far as it relates to Papuans. They believe in a different God, he says, are not subject to a just and civilised state; and do not partake in Indonesian unity, democracy or social justice. 'All of them are untrue for us.' 
Then he spells out the heart of what these men see as an open-and-shut case for why Papua needs to be independent: 'My religion is Christian. My hair is curly. My skin is black. My culture is different...that is what motivates us, and we'll never change'.
'We don't feel welcome in Indonesia,' adds Balingga's friend, Javed Bahabol. 'We don't feel real freedom; we feel the force of Islam coming in.'
The Indonesian history in this part of the highlands has been short (it began in the 1960s) and violent. In 1977, more than 4000 people died in and around nearby Wamena from military aerial bombardments, indiscriminate shootings and gross acts of torture. 
Balingga says, to the agreement of the room, that events like this can never be forgotten. There is zero military presence in Lolat today – the army only occasionally ventures outside the larger towns – so the locals point more to the lack of an Indonesian state to make their point. The corrupted and useless education, health and economic systems do not suit Papuan needs, and never will, they believe, despite the promises of successive presidents. Indonesians 'just drop the money in,' Balingga says, 'they know we can't handle it and it just makes a mess'.
These men reject the notion that problems of service delivery are about Indonesian state incompetence. They believe it's the result of discrimination, a policy of 'keeping us down'. They also believe Indonesia takes Papua's mineral wealth and gives little back, though Vice-President Jusuf Kalla has said in recent times that Papua gets back more in funding than it contributes in taxes.
Balingga says there are nine groups of 'freedom fighters' in Papua and neighbouring West Papua. The KNPB is organised like an army, though it does not have weapons, 'because we can't get them'. (A leaked Indonesian military document suggested there were fewer than 200 guns in the hands of independence activists across the two provinces.)
But these activists insist armed conflict is not their preferred option: 'The other options, the legal, political, advocacy for a referendum, are all ongoing,' Bahabol says. They appeal to nations around the world, particularly 'Christian nations', for help.
Papua, though, has changed since the 1960s. Perhaps 50% of its population originally comes from other islands in Indonesia, some under a Suharto-era policy of 'transmigration,' with the intention of swamping the troublesome ethnic Melanesian majority. More recently, migration has been a spontaneous movement of individuals and families from other poor parts of Indonesia in search of economic opportunity.
If race and religion are the main motivations for seeking independence, it raises the question: what would happen in an independent Papua to all these recent migrants? Bahabol said it was 'not decided yet...We'd have to consider these things, but perhaps they'd have to go back home.'
The men in this darkened room know that their cause is supported by many Western activists, as well as a broader Papuan diaspora. But Balingga is frustrated that these people too often focus on human rights issues to drive their cause. 'The main picture that gets out internationally is that people get killed and that is why we should have freedom. But that is not the true reason in our hearts,' Balingga insists. 'It's much bigger than just killing people. We want our own country because we're different.'
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Melanesia takes lead on future West Papuan peace

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Note.
Although we have still not seen the official MSG Communique, West Papua has been granted observer status described as “ an observer member under the regional and international category representing West Papuans living abroad,”  See article below. If as stated this is a positive achievement. People might be disappointed that the ULMWP did not achieve full membership but the ULMPW is at the MSG table, recognised by a regional organisation. There is no reason that at future meetings the ULMWP’s status could also be changed to associate member or full member. Will post more later.
AWPA 
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Melanesia takes lead on future West Papuan peace




West Papua’s independence movement has been granted observer status by a regional grouping of Pacific Island nations, at a summit in the Solomon Islands.
By Stefan Armbruster  26 JUN 2015 - 5:43 PM  UPDATED 3 MINS AGO 
Australia’s nearest Pacific neighbours have taken the lead in trying to broker a peaceful future for Indonesia’s contested West Papuan provinces.
Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands and New Caledonia’s FLNKS took the step at the 20th Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) summit in Honiara.
Since Indonesia took over the former Dutch colony in the 1960s, there has been a brutal conflict in West Papua that is estimated to have cost hundreds-of-thousands of lives. 
The MSG leaders gave the West Papuan independence movement observer status, rejecting an application for full membership.
Indonesia has been an observer since 2011 and was upgraded to associated membership at the summit.
“The leaders approved the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) as an observer member under the regional and international category representing West Papuans living abroad,” said Solomon Islands prime minister and MSG chair Manasseh Sogavare.
“Associate membership is accorded to Indonesia representing the five Melanesian provinces in Indonesia. I have the greatest pleasure in welcoming them.”
The West Papuans were hoping for full membership of the MSG but accept observer status as a first step. 
The Indonesians will be represented at the MSG by the governors of its five Papuan provinces. 
“Building a strong Melanesia in the Pacific is certainly a desire for our every member country,” said PNG prime minister Peter O’Neill. 

1) West Papua formally recognised by Melanesia group

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2) West Papua group welcomes MSG appreciation

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1) West Papua formally recognised by Melanesia group

Updated 23 minutes ago
For the first time a coalition of West Papuan nationalist groups has been given formal diplomatic recognition after being admitted to a regional grouping of Melanesian countries. At its leaders summit in Solomon Islands the Melanesian Spearhead Group has decided to grant the United Liberation Movement of West Papua observer status.
Source: PM | Duration: 5min 39sec


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http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/277316/west-papua-group-welcomes-msg-appreciation

2) West Papua group welcomes MSG appreciation

Updated 23 minutes ago
The United Liberation Movement for West Papua has expressed gratitude for progress made but still intends pursuing full membership of the Melanesia Spearhead Group.
The Pacific sub-regional agency held its summit this week in Solomon Islands and granted observer status to the ULMWP and made Indonesia an associate member.
It also placed a qualification on the ULM saying it was there to represent Melanesians from outside, amid continued claims it does not represent the people of Papua and West Papua.
But the organisation is taking a positive view, and as one of the ULM leaders' Benny Wenda, says they appreciate the recognition at last.
"You know 53 years we, our voice never recognised and in the regional and international fora so this is why this is the first step for West Papua to become an observer in the Melanesian Spearhead Group."
Benny Wenda says the ULMWP will still seek full membership.
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Video-Melanesia takes lead on future West Papuan peace

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