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1) Australian PM’s offer for 
Papua raises suspicion

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1) Australian PM’s offer for 
Papua raises suspicion

2) News Analysis: Australia’s 
Strategy report: Solutions 
without problems
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1) Australian PM’s offer for 
Papua raises suspicion

Paper Edition | Page: 2
Kevin Rudd: (JP/Jerry Adiguna)

Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s commitment to help develop Indonesia’s easternmost region could instead lead to more abuses of Papuans, an activist warns.

Papua was among the three main issues discussed during the third Indonesia-Australia Annual Leaders Meeting between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Rudd at the Bogor Presidential Palace in West Java on Friday. The two other issues were people smuggling and economic cooperation in the beef and cattle sector.

“Given the trends of the series of cases in the past, we can see that almost all human rights cases in Papua were rooted in economic motivation. Corporations operating in Papua, particularly foreign ones, for instance, use soldiers for security, a measure that increases the chances of human rights abuses against locals,” the coordinator of rights group National Papua Solidarity (NAPAS), Zely Ariane, told The Jakarta Post on Saturday.

With Rudd standing beside him at a joint press conference after Friday’s meeting, Yudhoyono expressed concern over rampant “propaganda” spread by Papuan separatist activists in many countries who advocate independence by “exaggerating alleged human rights violations by Indonesian military and police”.

“I told the Australian prime minister that any Indonesian soldiers or police officers found to commit violations will definitely be punished or brought before a military tribunal,” Yudhoyono said. “But to be honest, in the recent past, those falling victims were Indonesian Military [TNI] personnel and police officers.”

In his speech at the conference, Rudd not only reiterated Australia’s recognition of Indonesia’s sovereignty over Papua but also offered help to speed up development in Papua and West Papua provinces.

“I, as the prime minister of Australia, will do everything I can to support [Yudhoyono] in this direction.”

Issues concerning Papua were not expected to be broached by those attending the media conference. “According to information I received, it was Prime Minister Rudd who raised the issue,” presidential spokesman for foreign affairs Teuku Faizasyah told the Post.

Zely alleged that Rudd’s statement was a further indicator of the wish of Australia’s businesses to invest in Papua, particularly in the mining sector. “The door for foreign investors has been opened by the government via its MP3EI [Master Plan for the Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesian Economic Development],” she said.

Foreign investment in Papua, she said, would not address the core problems in Papua. Massive projects would not only be prone to corruption but would also widen economic gaps and marginalize Papuans more, she added.

Coordinating Economic Minister Hatta Rajasa said that starting this year, the government would prioritize MP3EI projects in the eastern provinces, including Papua and West Papua.

“Projects in natural resources and energy will be boosted,” Hatta said. “But exploration projects must also contribute to the acceleration of local economies by establishing centers of growth around the projects,” he added, brushing-off Zely’s opinion.

Of the total MP3EI investment of Rp 545.76 trillion (US$55.12 billion) set for this year, almost a half or Rp 204.56 trillion will go to Papua, West Papua, Maluku and North Maluku provinces.

Issues surrounding Papua have always been politically sensitive for Indonesia, while to Australia, it is the long-unstoppable flow of asylum seekers that is at the heart of its domestic political interests.


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2) News Analysis: Australia’s 
Strategy report: Solutions 
without problems


Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | News Analysis | Mon, July 08 2013, 9:18 AM

Paper Edition | Page: 2

 

There is no question that Australia has recovered from its denial of being part of Asia. The investment — material and otherwise — in Indonesia and the rest of Southeast Asia in recent years shows Australia’s recognition that its future lies with Asian neighbors to the north, and not romanticized historical links with its 
“Western” past.

With over US$450 million in developmental aid to Indonesia, Canberra is putting its money where its mouth is.

The launch of the Indonesia Country Strategy Report during the visit of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd here on Friday shows just how serious Canberra is in upping the quality of the relationship.

The broad-stroke document outlines where Australia wants to be with Indonesia in 2025. Indonesia was identified as one of the five – with China, India, Japan and Korea — initial priority countries for similar reports.

It is a well laid-out, readable text, just over 25 pages long: digestible in its advocacy and practical in its recommendations with regard to communities, business and government. 

So accessible is the content that one would have thought it was authored by a production house, or a McKinsey-style consultant rather than bureaucrats.

The recommendations were partly taken from various consultations. Kudos to Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade for the kind of public input heralded in the report. For participants of Track Two and Three dialogues, many of these recommendations will sound familiar.

Unfortunately, the report often feels like a quick list of remedies that do little to address fundamental problems that will color the relationship. 

In other words even if each of the report’s recommendations are carried out, the vulnerabilities would not diminish given the corrosive elements wedged in the fundamentals of the bilateral ties.

By nature Indonesians are not suspicious of Australia the way Australians are toward Indonesia. Any reservations that presently prevail here are a recent phenomenon instigated by events in Papua and East Timor (Timor Leste).

Even a Lowy Institute poll published last year shows that Indonesians have dramatically warmed toward Australia, with 61 percent of Indonesians in favor of a company, bank or investment fund controlled by the Australian government buying a controlling stake in a major Indonesian company.

But as long as Australia retains a security posture which remains “American” in its strategic outlook there will only be amity with reservation between the two 
nations.

Indonesian fears of being an arena of superpower strife are well founded. Australia’s battles will be fought on Indonesian territory. 

Australia’s Defense White Paper published two months ago promotes strategic cooperation with Asian powers, but hints at the expansive archipelago as a trench line to block any threat. 

“Denying an adversary our air and sea approaches in the archipelago is vitally important for deterring and defeating attacks on Australian territory,” it said.

Results of another Lowy poll which says 55 percent of Australians are comfortable with US bases in their country, does not bode well in how Indonesians think of Australia.

Canberra has been the driving force in dialogue and cooperative engagements. The Country 
Strategy Report is stuffed with numerous photos and testimonies of such initiatives. 

Yet these ceremonial exchanges have proved pro forma in the crunch of policy crisis. 

The stationing of US troops in Darwin and suspension of live-
cattle exports are just two examples where a breakdown of communication created an unnecessary, albeit brief, impasse. 

The Australian habit of hinging the relationship on one issue of the day, continues to highlight the vulnerability of the network of 
relationships.

If it were not for the ingratiating statesmanship of the two leaders, the people-smuggling issue last week could have become another tripwire. 

The temperature of the relationship remains susceptible to the chemistry of the leaders.

Therein lies the paradox of the report. Perhaps it is setting the bar too high, as if relations with Jakarta would one day be as cozy as Canberra’s bonds with Washington and London.

Proximity and democracy can be a glue, but they also expose the worst fears of each other as Indonesia’s own experience with Malaysia and Singapore (countries with which Indonesia has more in common than Australia) shows.

One of Australia’s preeminent strategists, Hugh White, put it best: “In almost every dimension of national life — geography, history, economics, religion, language and culture — Australia is as different from Indonesia as two countries 
can be.” 

Hence the two may surely become friends, but even more assured is that the two will never become 
allies.


1) Ban on Papua Magazine, Attempt to Block the Press?

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1) Ban on Papua Magazine, Attempt to Block the Press?

2) Freeport Questions Contract Fate

3) Freeport Can Soon Get Back to Business

4) The case of Andinus Karoba

5) Socratez Yoman: 'Why didn't the Papuan leaders say anything?'




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http://en.tempo.co/read/news/2013/07/08/055494509/Ban-on-Papua-Magazine-Attempt-to-Block-the-Press

MONDAY, 08 JULY, 2013 | 18:07 WIB
1) Ban on Papua Magazine, Attempt to Block the Press?
TEMPO.COJakarta - The Press Council says the ban on the first edition of Papua’s Pelita Pelita Magazine is considered as an attempt to block the press. 
"If the police really did come and prohibit the distribution of information, that is a form of blocking the press," Press Council member Imam Wahdyudi told Tempo on Sunday. 
Imam said that according to Press Law No. 40/1999, blocking the press is defined as the forceful or unlawful prohibition of publishing, distributing and/or broadcast of information. 
Imam also said that that freedom of the press is clearly regulated in the law and 1945 Constitution, and is a guaranteed right of the people. 
"Basically, if the police do not approve the contents of the publication, they can report it to the press council," he said. Imam criticized the police for immediately going to the publisher’s printing office and prohibiting the sale of the magazine. 
On Wednesday, July 3, after just days of the distribution of its first edition, Pelita Papua magazine encountered problems with the police last Wednesday for portraying the symbol of the Free Papua Movement on its cover. Police arrived at the printing office in Jayapura and asked the magazine to stop distributing. Officers also confiscated a few magazines and took them back to the police station to analyze. 
The first edition of the magazine covers the issue of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) office in England. There is also an article about the opinions of some figures regarding the movement. Fidelis Jeminta, chief editor of Pelita Papua, said this was ordinary news with no large hidden agenda behind it. He is disappointed at the police for randomly banning the distribution of his magazine. 
Papua Police Chief Sr. Comr. I Gede Sumerta Jaya said that published material about Papua’s freedom or anything that can incite violence is prohibited. He denied allegations that the police revoked the magazine’s license.  ALI AKHMAD

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http://en.tempo.co/read/news/2013/07/09/056494600/Freeport-Questions-Contract-Fate
TUESDAY, 09 JULY, 2013 | 00:02 WIB
2) Freeport Questions Contract Fate
TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Rozik Sutjipto, President Director of Freeport Indonesia, asked the government to complete the company's contract of Works (CoW) renegotiation in the next three months. "This is important to determine the fate of our contract's continuation," Rozik said at the House of Representatives building last weekend.
Rozik is asking the government for a contract extension until 2041, related to the company's plan to dig underground. To date, Freeport's only covers 30 percent of its digging activity underground. In the future, all digging activities would be held underground since the company's surface mineral reserves will be depleted by 2016. The company had found new sources of ore amounting to 2.5 billion tons.
"Of the amount, 87 percent is located underground."
With the potential, Freeport will spend US$9.8 billion worth of investment. According Rozik, the funds will be used to build a 1,000-kilometer underground tunnel which will be completed in 2020, one year before the CoW expires.
"We are asking for a contract extension because the underground minerals would last until 2057," he said.
Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Rajasa said the government is trying to finish discussing the contract with Freeport. According to him, Freeport still has the chance to extend its contract even though the company's smelter construction will not be completed in 2014--in accordance with the deadline set by the government.
 
ANGGA SUKMA WIJAYA

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http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/freeport-can-soon-get-back-to-business/

3) Freeport Can Soon Get Back to Business


Freeport Indonesia may be able to resume its underground mining operations by the end of this week, according to a government announcement that follows an investigation that ended with a favorable result for the company.
The government had tasked a special team to look into two deadly mining accidents that took place in May at the Papua mine site of the company, a subsidiary of US-based Freeport McMoRan.
Thamrin Sihite, director general of minerals and coal at the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry, said the independent team behind the investigation had recommended that Freeport be allowed to return to work at its underground mine. But the ministry was still weighing certain permits issues.
“We have many considerations, not only the results of the independent evaluation team and mine inspectors,” Thamrin said last week. “Hopefully [this] week they will be allowed [to resume].”
Thamrin said there were several requirements to be met in order for Freeport to resume its operations underground, including the need for detection tools in all ​​underground tunnels.
Separately, Siswoutomo Susilo, the deputy minister for energy and mineral resources, said the government needed assurance that Freeport was operating according to best practices, pointing to the issue of detection devices throughout the mine, including in training areas.
“This is to avoid what happened at Big Gossan,” Siswoutomo said, referring to an accident-hit site within Freeport’s Grasberg mine. “We can’t have any more collapses [like that].”
Chairman of the investigation team, Ridho Wattimena, a professor of mining engineering at the Bandung Institute of Technology, said Freeport is implementing several recommendations his team made, which include operational and managerial steps intended to guarantee the stability of the underground mine.
A major cave-in destroyed a training facility located underground at Big Gossan, in Timika, on May 14. It buried 38 employees who were attending a training lesson at the facility.
By the time evacuation work concluded on May 21, a total of 10 injured people had been rescued. However, 28 others were found dead in the rubble.
After the incident, Freeport halted both its open pit mine and underground mine operations.
Two weeks later, after the first accident, a truck driver was buried by sludge when a tunnel collapsed at Freeport’s deep ore mining zone.
According to a company statement, the stoppage has resulted in losses of 80 million pounds of copper and 80,000 ounces of gold.
It will book losses of 3 million pounds of copper and 3,000 ounces of gold a day until operations resume.
Freeport declared force majeure on shipments on June 12 to avoid third-party liability due to events beyond its control.
Activities restarted at the Grasberg Mine on June 22 and Freeport said last week that surface mining production had returned to the level of 140,000 daily tons. Freeport Indonesia normally produces 220,000 tons of ore per day.



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from tapol
4) The case of Andinus Karoba

CHRONOLOGY

Andinus Karoba was born on 18 March 1990. He is a Protestant. He has not yet completed his  lower school education. He lives in North Jayapura and describes himself as a Papuan activist.

On 10 October 2012 at around 6pm, he went out for a stroll and walked past the Paulus GKI church. He was sitting near a stall and was chewing nuts when an avanza vehicle stopped beside him. A police intel officer from Polresta Jayapura got out, grabbed hold of his shirt and asked him whether his name was Andinus Karoba. He said, yes that's my name and without saying anything more the police officer forced him into a Polresta  truck with his hands and legs in handcuffs..While they were driving to Polresta, Andinus was shot  three times, twice in his leg, on his thigh and calf, and once in the groin.

During the two months that he was held at Polresta Jayapura, he was never able to get the medical  treatment he needed and he was in constant pain. The police refused to allow his family to visit him.

He says that although his arrest was not about whether he had stolen anything or had attacked anyone's home, stealing was the excuse used by the police for his arrest. He had been a target for a long time because he said that his whole family took part in a mass evacuation from Wamena to Papua New Guinea following a series of brutal killings by the Indonesian military. Subsequently, he goes on:: 'I went back and forth from West Papua to Papua New Guinea while my parents were accused of being members of the OPM. I was also under suspicion

'At the place where I stayed on the street, near the Bahari Valley Dok V above the district of North Jayapura,, there were people  who were always spying on me wherever I went. I know who it was. It was someone who had been set up by the police, but I wasn't bothered about this  because I had done nothing against the security forces of any unit.

'However, on 10 October 2012, as I was sitting eating nuts, someone came and sat beside me and quietly made contact with the police. Soon afterwards, the police came and arrested me.

'They took me to Polresta Jayapura where I was interrogated not about any thefts but about the struggle of the Papuan people and all its networks. I repeatedly said that I knew nothing, that I was just a kid  and didn't know anything about that struggle. The interrogator got very agitated because there was no evidence.And because I had been shot and paralysed,the police decided to make charges against me under the criminal code and for theft. There was not an iota of truth in all this. But I was unable to do anything because I  did not have a lawyer. All this went on until I was found guilty and sentenced to one year and ten months.

Throughout the trial, I was held at Polresta Jayapura. After being sentenced, I was handed over to the Class IIA Prison Abepura. I am now serving the sentence.

Photos of Police Violence:

[Attached to the statement are several photographs of the wounds on his legs.]

[Translated by TAPOL]

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5) Socratez Yoman: 'Why didn't the Papuan leaders say anything?'

Bintang Papua 8 July, 2013

Socratez: Why did Papuan Leaders say nothing?

Jayapura: Socratez Yoman, the Papuan church leader from the Central Highlands who is also the chairman of the Alliance of Baptist Churches of Papua (PGBP) said, following a meeting between the Dutch Ambassador, Tjeerd De Zwaan, and community leaders, traditional leaders, religious leaders and representatives of the youth , on which occasion the Ambassador said that he was hoping to get an answer to his question about the implementation of OTSUS-Plus but no Papuan leaders at the meeting came forward to answer this query from the Ambassador.

He therefore wondered why the leaders who were present at the forum said nothing and did not answer the  Ambassador .

'Is it because  they don't know what is happening in Papua or  is, as it seems to me, because they are too afraid to say anything?

In his opinion, the Papuans who were present at the meeting should have answered the question. They should have given an explanation about the real circumstances in Papua and should not have remained silent.

The fact that they remained silent led Socratez, who is known for being very vocal, to wonder whether the Papuan leaders have been rendered silent by the cunning tricks of the Indonesian Government? Is this a case of the lack of of freedom of expression and the death of democracy in Papua?

He said in a statement to Bintang Papua: 'This is a big problem for me with regard to the question which was posed by the Dutch Ambassador which no one answered.'

He said that in his opinion,community leaders and traditional leaders in Papua should come forward with the facts in Papua when speaking to the Dutch Ambassador or when making statements to the international community.

He went on to say that  people who are regarded as being community leaders should have the moral courage to fight for the problems being confronted by the community at present and in the future. They should not keep silent because these problems are not being talked about by the authorities in this country. 'It's okay if you keep silent  here on earth but in the afterlife  that will not be possible because you will be held responsible until the end of time.'

[Translated by TAPOL]

1) Braving risk for her home

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1) Braving risk for her home

2) Freeport to Resume Underground Mining Operations in Papua

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http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=239142

The Fiji Times Online

1) Braving risk for her home


Solomoni Biumaiono
Monday, July 08, 2013


OLGA Hamadi is one of the few people who work in West Papua to ensure international and local human rights laws and regulations are adhered to by the relevant authorities and members of the public.
Right up to the extent of exposing herself and her family to threats of violence from some sections of the community as her work involves standing up against alleged police brutality, and violence against women, violence in general and other forms of human rights abuses.
"In West Papua we have human rights abuse and disappearance cases also. We advocate against violence and we criticise the military and police and ask them to change their attitude and ask them to change the regulations also.
"I like it (work) because I can help people because I know the (human rights) regulations. I studied it so I can help the people. I use my role when a case happens and conduct press releases when I have data," Olga said.
The 31-year-old was born and bred in Jayapura and she studied law at Cenderawsih University in Jayapura and did her Masters Degree in law at Gadya Mada University in Yogjakarta in Java.
She works as a human rights lawyer for a West Papuan non-governmental organisation called the Commission for Disappearances and Victims of Violence or Kontras Papua.
The NGO was formed in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta in the 1990s as means to help ensure that West Papuans are treated well under international human rights conventions and under the regulations the Indonesian Government has given to West Papuan authorities.
And it is in this line of work that Olga risks her life and that of her family trying to live her childhood dream to be a lawyer. She sees this not just a job but more of a calling.
She has been pressured because the authorities paint her as a West Papuan separatist because she is a native Papuan.
West Papuan separatists are people who are leading a political and military movement against the rule of the Indonesian government in West Papua. This movement has been in existence since the 1960s. The movement largely consists of native Papuans.
When Olga represents the separatists or criticises the police and military, she is often branded as one of them but to her, she is simply standing for justice because of her passion and status as a human rights lawyer.
"No, I am not a separatist. We focus on human right issues, sometimes we focus on the military and police because we focus on victim issues and state violence. And then because I am a lawyer, I assist Papuan people, recent cases like when they conduct demonstrations, raise the Morning Star, I do my job but also I got stigmatised from the police as a separatist myself," she said.
"Because for me, I focus on human rights issues, our government talks about human rights issues, I also help government to promote human rights through their own regulations.
"I just enjoy what I do.
"First, because I wanted to become a lawyer, and in these institutions I learnt how to assist people and the police, and assist people who have problems."
She said she also helped the police who sometimes had a different perspective on the people of West Papua.
"Like when we criticise them and because they use their guns, they think we're enemies (but) we do the legal things," Olga said.
Since she graduated, she has worked for the Papua Legal Aid for four years from 2005 and is now co-ordinator of Kontras Papua. As it is, she has no career or personal plans as she would rather stay in West Papua than any other place.
"Not many people do this, maybe some NGOs, like when we talk about lawyers we have many lawyers in West Papua but only have a few who do human rights.
"Being a human rights defender, it's like we have a security (issue). It is still a problem because no work can guarantee us our safety. It's still a problem. It's not only for me but for others like activists, church leaders and journalists," Olga said.
Recently she attended the Eastern Mennonite University's Summer Peacebuilding Institute in Virginia, USA where she undertook courses that will contribute to a postgraduate certificate qualification in peacebuilding and conflict resolution.
She did this with the hope of expanding the scope of her work and to help her try different approaches she thinks are more peaceful and can help resolve issues in an amicable manner. She hopes these will also bring about a change in the perceptions of the people of West Papua.
On the other hand, the Indonesian Government maintains human rights conventions have been in existence in every Indonesian province since its Independence.
An Indonesian Embassy in Fiji official says the Indonesian Government does not condone police brutality and powers rest with its very own Human Rights Commission or fact-finding mission teams to investigate cases of alleged brutality.
The Indonesian Embassy economic affairs officer, Tito Octavianus, says lawyers have nothing to fear when working in West Papua.
Ocatavianus said: "So I do not quite agree that as a lawyer, other people will harm them. They have to think twice if they want to harm a lawyer.
"If that lawyer can conduct professionally based on the code of conduct as a lawyer, which is to defend their clients and then not make any statement on the political matters, I think that lawyer should not be afraid of being branded as a separatist."
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2) Freeport to Resume Underground Mining Operations in Papua





The Indonesian government gave US mining giant Freeport McMoRan Copper and Gold the go-ahead of resume operations at its Grasberg mine on Tuesday after a deadly tunnel collapse suspended operations for nearly two months.
“From everything that has been done, that has been taken into consideration, including pressure from the community and local government, [we] have decided ok, it’s safe,” Deputy Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Susilo Siswoutomo said in a prepared statement.
The central government’s independent investigation team launched a probe into the May 14 tunnel collapse that left 28 dead. The team concluded that Freeport Indonesia’s mines were safe, but recommended the company install additional detection devices in their underground tunnels.
It will be another month before Freeport’s underground mines reach production quotas, said Freeport Indonesia President Director Rozik B. Soetjipta. The mine has a daily target of 220,000 tons of copper a day.
“We predict that our production will only be at 80 percent…  or around 176,000 tons per day,” Rozik said.
Thirty percent of the mine’s copper ore is produced in underground mines. The remaining 70 percent is excavated from Grasberg’s massive open-pit mine near Puncak Jaya, Papua.
The company will not meet this year’s target projections, Rozik said.
Freeport was forced to declare force majeure on copper shipments after the accident.
This had yet to be lifted, Rozik said.
Before the accident, Freeport had expected sales of about 500,000 tons of copper from its Indonesia unit in 2013, along with 1.25 million ounces of gold.
Freeport is also in talks with the government to renegotiate a new mining contract to replace its current 30-year contract, which expires in 2021.
A member of the government team negotiating with Freeport said last week the accident should not delay those talks.
Benchmark three-month copper on the London Metal Exchange traded at $6,847 a ton on Tuesday, or $568 lower than the day before the accident.
Reuters/Investor Daily

1) Papuan rebel leader Danny Kogoya vows to keep fighting Indonesia despite amputated leg

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1) Papuan rebel leader Danny Kogoya vows to keep fighting Indonesia despite amputated leg

2) Fugitive rebel leader vows to continue Papua independence fight


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http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-07-10/wounded-papuan-rebel-commander-speaks-from-jungle-hideout/4811188

1) Papuan rebel leader Danny Kogoya vows to keep fighting Indonesia despite amputated leg

Updated 2 hours 1 minute ago

Speaking from a rebel training camp just inside the Papua New Guinean border, Danny Kogoya says he was unarmed and surrendering when police shot him below the knee last year.
Indonesian police say he was resisting arrest.
Now at his PNG hideout, known as Camp Victoria, Mr Kogoya's fellow rebels are holding a small show of arms.
Displaying homemade rifles, bows and arrows and with some wearing ceremonial headdresses and shell necklaces, they rally around the Morning Star flag - the symbol of West Papuan independence that is banned in Indonesia.
They have no bullets but they say they want to fight the Indonesians.
For almost 50 years the Free Papua Movement (OPM) has fought against Indonesia's control of Papua and West Papua province.
Mr Kogoya is a commander for the OPM's militant wing. He says his leg was amputated without his permission while he was jailed on manslaughter charges last year.
"This leg was amputated for the Free Papua Movement. I am asking for independence... I am asking for West Papua to exit the Republic of Indonesia," he said.
After his release from prison, Mr Kogoya says police threatened to re-arrest him, so he fled across the border to Papua New Guinea.
Now, he says he will get the remaining shotgun pellets removed from the stump of his leg, find a prosthetic limb and return to the bush to keep fighting.

Allegations of atrocities hard to verify

Since the 1960s, the armed wing of the Free Papua Movement has conducted a low-level insurgency within Indonesia.

Allegations of atrocities committed by Indonesian forces within Papua and West Papua province are difficult to check because the international media is kept out.
It is also hard to get a real sense of the strength of the West Papuan militants.
Mr Kogoya says he commands a standby army of 7,000 men, with around 200 active fighters, but those figures cannot be verified.
Camp Victoria has played an important role in the history of the West Papuan independence movement.
It has been a training camp, a gateway from Indonesia to Papua New Guinea and a place where rival factions have split and reunited. But what role it will play in the future of the West Papuan struggle is unclear.

PNG signs extradition deal with Indonesia

Last month Papua New Guinea and Indonesia signed an extradition treaty, which PNG's opposition says could be used to target West Papuan activists.
"I think that is the cooperation between the Papua New Guinean and the Indonesian government. That's their issue. Not West Papua. We will keep on fighting until we are independent," he said.
PNG prime minister Peter O'Neill says the extradition treaty will be used for criminals and not political activists, but for those who could be considered both it is yet to be tested.
"We have had a policy that the issue of West Papua is an integral part of Indonesia. We have consistently maintained that," he said.
"But we are encouraged by the invitation by the Indonesian government through the president for the first time in its history to help in managing some of the issues on the ground in West Papua."
Mr Kogoya, meanwhile, is calling for all West Papuan activists living abroad to return to Camp Victoria and continue their struggle.
"I want Jacob Prai in Sweden, John Ondawame in Australia, all those leaders abroad to come back to this camp, Camp Victoria, to continue the struggle for independence," he said.
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2) Fugitive rebel leader vows to continue Papua independence fight


Updated 10 July 2013, 16:38 AEST
A commander of the West Papuan militant group says he will return to the jungle to fight against Indonesian rule, even after his leg was amputated as a result of a gunshot wound.
Danny Kogoya says he was unarmed and surrendering when police shot him below the knee last year, but Indonesian police say he was resisting arrest.
He is currently hiding in Papua New Guinea but is not worried about a recent extradition treaty between PNG and Indonesia.
Presenter: Liam Cochrane, PNG correspondent
Speaker: Danny Kogoya, leader of the Free Papua Organisation (OPM); Peter O'Neill, Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea
COCHRANE: Just inside the PNG border, supporters of the West Papuan independence movement hold a small military parade.
 
 The six rifles on show are homemade and there are no bullets, but a crowd of about 100 people wearing ceremonial headdresses, face paint and shell necklaces rally around the Morning Star flag - the symbol of West Papuan independence that's banned in Indonesia.
 
For almost 50 years the Free Papua Movement - known as the OPM - has fought against Indonesia's control of Papua and West Papua provinces.
 
Danny Kogoya is a commander for the militant wing of the OPM. 
 
He makes his way awkwardly across the bush-clearing on crutches, his right leg amputated below the knee.
 
Danny Kogoya, OPM Commander, Jayapura
 
KOGOYA: [TRANSLATION] "This leg was amputated for the Free Papua Movement. I am asking for independence… I am asking for West Papua to exit the Republic of Indonesia.
 
COCHRANE: Mr Kogoya says he was jailed on manslaughter charges last year.
 
While in custody, his badly damaged leg was amputated, he says without his permission.
 
Months later, he was released, but then police threatened to re-arrest him so he fled across the border to PNG.
 
In June, Papua New Guinea and Indonesia signed an extradition treaty, which PNG's opposition says could be used to target West Papuan activists like Danny Kogoya.
 
The details of the Extradition Treaty have not yet emerged but Papua New Guinea's Prime Minister Peter O'Neill says he raised allegations of human rights abuses within the West Papua region when he met Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhuyono last month.
 
O'NEILL: We have had a policy that the issue of West Papua is an integral part of Indonesia. We have consistently maintained that. But we are encouraged by are encouraged by the invitation by the Indonesian Government through the President - for the first time in its history to asking Papua New Guinea to help in managing some of the issues on the ground in West Papua. 
 
COCHRANE:  Allegations of atrocities committed by Indonesian forces within Papua and West Papua provinces are difficult to check because the international media is kept out.
 
It's also hard to get a real sense of the strength of the West Papuan militants.
 
Danny Kogoya says he commands a standby army of 7,000 men, with around 200 active fighters.  But the figures can't be verified.
 
KOGOYA [TRANSLATION] I want Jacob Prai  in Sweden, John Ondawame  in Australia, all those leaders abroad to come back to this camp, Camp Victoria, to continue the struggle for independence.
 
COCHRANE: Meanwhile, Danny Kogoya says he will get the remaining shotgun pellets removed from the stump of his leg, find a prosthetic limb and return to the bush to keep fighting.

1) Komnas HAM decries RI’s 
efforts to resolve past 
abuses

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1) Komnas HAM decries RI’s 
efforts to resolve past 
abuses
2) New administrationin will not improve the human rights sitation in Papus
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1) Komnas HAM decries RI’s 
efforts to resolve past 
abuses

Yohanna Ririhena, The Jakarta Post, GENEVA | World | Wed, July 10 2013, 10:21 AM

Paper Edition | Page: 12


The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and representatives of Indonesia’s NGOs are gathering in Geneva this week to assess the country’s seriousness in resolving issues related to alleged human rights violations, particularly those allegedly committed by prominent figures. 


The United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC) launched a formal session with the NGOs to receive more input on the implementation of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in Indonesia.

Before the committee, Komnas HAM questioned the government’s seriousness in proceeding with the investigation on cases that could be categorized as gross human rights violations.

“Despite preliminary findings from Komnas HAM, the Attorney General’s Office [AGO] has refused to further investigate the cases,” said Komnas HAM commissioner Roichatul Aswidah before members of the UNHRC on Monday.

In response to the critics, the government stated that a special team from the AGO was established in 2006 to follow up on the findings, which were deemed insufficient.

The team has requested Komnas HAM submit additional evidence in accordance with Indonesia’s Criminal Code (KUHP) for further prosecution. 

However, Roichatul claimed the issue was not the standard of evidence, but more the willingness to follow up the recommendations issued by Komnas HAM and legislators. 

Roichatul said there was already a precedent in using the Komnas HAM standard of evidence, which had been thoroughly followed up by the AGO in cases relating to alleged human rights violations in East Timor, the Tanjung Priok incident in North Jakarta, and the Abepura torture case in Papua.

“Why couldn’t the same standard of evidence be used for other cases, including the enforced disappearances during the reform movement [in 1997 and 1998]?” she said. 

The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) in its alternative report to the UNHRC also questioned the lengthy process taken to establish an ad-hoc human rights court to prosecute cases of enforced disappearances.

The ICJ, comprised of 60 eminent judges and lawyers across the globe, hinted that the delay was related to the existence of prominent figures on the political stage.

“The ICJ believes the delay in the establishment of an ad hoc court is due to the fact that further investigations into alleged enforced disappearances from 1997 to 1998 may involve allegations concerning several prominent members of the Indonesian government who continue to be influential in the country to this day, including Prabowo Subianto and former General Wiranto,” the ICJ said.

Prabowo, commander of the Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus) at the time, is currently the chief patron of the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party, while Gen. (ret.) Wiranto, then chief of the Indonesian Military (TNI), is now the chair of the People’s Conscience Party (Hanura).

Both are presidential candidates who will likely contest the 2014 election.

National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) spokesperson Andy Yentriyani underlined the need for effective remedies in responding to the past violations of human rights, particularly concerning women.

The May riot in 1998 saw hundreds of Chinese women brutally harassed, with many traumatized. 

The hearings at the UNHRC on Indonesia’s progress in upholding human rights will last until Thursday. 

List of rights violations that have not been solved:

1. Trisakti 1998, Semanggi I 1998 and Semanggi II 1999;   
2. May Riot 1998
3. The Wasior incident in 2001-2002 and Wamena incident in 2003
4. Enforced disappearance 1997-1998
5. Talangsari 1989
6. Summary execution-style killings (mysterious shooting) 1982-1985
7. The tragedy of 1965-1966   

Source: Komnas HAM
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2) New administrationin will not improve the human rights sitation in Papus

Bintang Papua, 10 July, 2013

According to several NGOs which are involved in the promotion of human rights in Papua, there has been no change in the human rights situation in Papua in the first one hundred days of administration of Lukas Enambe and Klemen Tinal (Lukmen). They also said that the new administration has done nothing at all with regard to human rights violations which have occurred in the past; they have said nothing at all in public about this.

Nehemia Yarinap from the organisation BUK - United for Truth - said in a statement to the Antara News Agency  that  he does not expect anything to happen with regard to human rights in the coming five years. He said that the recent statement made by the Governor of Papua  focused on the question of welfare and said nothing about human rights.' This clearly shows that nothing will be done about human rights,' he said.

Paul Mambrasar who represents Els-Ham was also pessimistic about any changes in the human rights situation in the coming five years. 'The Lukmen administration is under the control of the political parties which are in power at present .

The Lukmen administration came to power on 11 April 2013. The pair won the election, beating five other candidate pairs. In the statement about their first one hundred days, the Lukmen pair said that they intend to enter into communication with  forces which are responsible for the security situation in Papua, in order to try an present  further acts of violence.

[Translated by TAPOL]

1) Local tribes want to be 
involved in Freeport contract 
renegotiations

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1) Local tribes want to be 
involved in Freeport contract 
renegotiations

2) Pramono Emerges for 2014 as the ‘Military’s President’

4) This Case Background Bloody Wamena and Wasior

5) Humanitarian action Papua Candles For Wasior and Bloody Wamena


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1) Local tribes want to be 
involved in Freeport contract 
renegotiations

The Custom Institute of Amungme Tribe (Lemasa) in Papua has called on the central government to involve customary communities in the renegotiation process for the  PT Freeport Indonesia (PTFI) contract extension.

“After tens of years of  Freeport mining our natural resources, there is no single point in the current contract that manages the basic rights of the indigenous people, especially the  Amungme and Kamoro tribes,” Lemasa director executive Anton Alomang said, as reported by Antara news agency on Thursday.

Anton said Freeport started paying attention to the Amungme and Kamoro tribes in 1996 through an empowerment program managed by the Amungme and Kamoro Community Development Institute (LPMAK).

“[From 1996] until last year, the LPMAK managed the partnership fund totaling Rp 340 billion (US$34 billion) per year. Funds could increase to Rp 700 billion this year after negotiating with James Moffet [a commissioner from  Freeport Indonesia’s parent company, Freeport McMoran] in Singapore,” Anton said.

However, he said,   the funds were not enough to boost the prosperity of the Amungme and Kamoro people.

“The Amungme and Kamoro people  still live in poverty. So the government and Freeport should consider giving more [funds] to them in the new contract,” Anton went on.

Discussions on the contract extension between the central government and the Freeport Indonesia  focus on six main issues: total area of Freeport, contract extension, state revenue including royalty, smelting facilities construction, divestment obligation and the use of local (in-country) goods and services for mining activities. (hrl)

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http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/pramono-emerges-for-2014-as-the-militarys-president/

2) Pramono Emerges for 2014 as the ‘Military’s President’

Pramono Edhie Wibowo has been a Democratic Party member for less than two weeks and already the former Army chief of staff is being hailed as the obvious choice to replace President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the 2014 election.
Analysts say that Pramono, the younger brother of Ani Yudhoyono, the first lady, meets the two main criteria by which most Indonesian voters judge presidential potential: He is Javanese, and he has a military background.
The rationale behind these points is clear. Java is home to some 60 percent of the country’s voters; and with many people still seeing the military — particularly the Army — as the strongest institution in the state, Pramono’s military credentials are seen as a major asset.
“Military background and support could help him,” Aleksius Jemadu, the dean of Pelita Harapan University’s School of Social and Political Sciences, told the Jakarta Globe on Thursday.
But Pramono is hardly the first prospective presidential candidate from the Army. Prabowo Subianto, the former commander of the Army Special Forces (Kopassus) is widely considered one of the front-runners for the 2014 race, while Wiranto, the last armed forces chief under Suharto, announced his bid last week.
The difference, however, lies in the support behind the men.
Prabowo was discharged from the Army before he could retire, while Wiranto was always a polarizing figure among the top brass during his time in charge. But Pramono, only recently retired, is someone who analysts say would have the full backing of the military, which, though nominally prohibited from entering politics, is still seen as highly influential.
Gen. Moeldoko, the Army chief of staff, gave what almost amounted to a ringing endorsement of Pramono last week upon hearing that his predecessor might join the presidential race.
“We will fully support him,” Moeldoko said. “However, we only will support him morally because the military can’t get involved in politics.”
None of the other generals has elicited anything like the same level of support from the current military leadership.
In addition to the military’s support, Pramono, if he ran, would also have the political backing of the Democratic Party, which most polls suggest will get around 10 percent of the vote in next year’s legislative election.
This is a key point because current electoral law stipulates that a party or coalition must have at least 25 percent of the vote in order to be eligible to nominate a presidential candidate.
This would leave the Democrats needing to seek the support of just two or three other parties to make up the difference. However, Prabowo’s Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and Wiranto’s People’s Conscience Party (Hanura) are not expected to fare as well, and could end up being minority partners in coalitions with larger parties, which would see their candidates relegated to running for vice president rather than the top seat.
But events are unlikely to pan out this way, says Andrinof Chaniago, a political expert at the University of Indonesia.
“It’s still uncertain whether the Democrats will nominate Pramono for the presidential or vice presidential post,” he told the Globe.
“It’s all down to the  public opinion polls and surveys. If the results aren’t good, it’s unlikely that he’ll get the Democrats’ nomination at all.”
Andrinof added that Pramono’s track record in the Army was mediocre at best, and that he couldn’t be expected to transition easily into the role of a civilian leader.
“He’s not a popular figure and he has little influence,” he said.
“His family connection with Yudhoyono may increase his chances of being nominated, but winning the election will be out of his reach.”
Aleksius from UPH agreed that it was doubtful “whether Pramono can shift from a military-style leadership to that of a civilian one.”
“People are going to judge him based on his leadership abilities in overcoming the big problems that the country currently faces, and not based on his past leadership in the Army,” he said.
Both Aleksius and Andrinof said there was a bigger chance of the Democrats backing Gita Wirjawan, the trade minister, whom they said appeared to have Yudhoyono’s tacit approval to run in the party’s convention to pick a candidate.
“Yudhoyono is pushing Gita and allowing him to advance, but again his chances depend on his popularity and what the public wants,” Andrinof said.
Aleksius said the reason Gita, 47, could be picked over Pramono, 58, was because he could appeal to young and first-time voters, who this year are expected to account for just over 50 percent of voters.
He added that if anything, Pramono would make for a good choice of vice presidential candidate.
“I think his chance of running for the vice presidential spot is much bigger. He can go with Aburizal Bakrie,” Aleksius said, referring to the Golkar Party chairman and presumptive presidential candidate.
“But it depends on how popular the Democrats will be in the legislative election. If their popularity drops drastically, they’ll have to be content to run just for the vice presidential position. But if they get more than 10 percent of the vote, then there’s a chance for them to aim for presidency outright.”


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3) Free Papua Movement Leader Danny Kogoya Vows to Fight On


In a rare interview, the one-legged commander of a Papuan militant group, Danny Kogoya, has vowed to return to the jungle to fight and continue a 50-year struggle against Indonesian rule in the country’s far-east and resource-rich province of Papua.
But first, Kogoya wants a prosthetic limb. He says his leg was amputated below the knee without his permission, after he was shot by Indonesia police while in their custody, in jail on manslaughter charges that were later dropped. Police say he was resisting arrest.
"This leg was amputated for the Free Papua Movement. I am asking for independence,” he told Radio Australia from his hideout known as Camp Victoria in neighboring Papua New Guinea (PNG). “I am asking for West Papua to exit the Republic of Indonesia.”
Jakarta annexed the former Dutch colony in 1969 after a dubious vote. It granted the resource-rich province some autonomy in 2001. Still, its military presence – more than 14,000 troops – has been a constant irritant with locals who claim mining interests have taken precedence over their daily lives.
Kogoya is a commander for the militant wing of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) and says he has 200 men ready to fight and another 7,000 under arms on standby. Weapons and bullets are in short supply, but there are no shortages of the Morning Star flag, banned in Indonesia.
Following his release, Kogoya said police had followed and threatened him, so he fled across the border to regroup but his presence in PNG has raised other issues in light of an extradition treaty recently signed between Jakarta and Port Moresby.
PNG insists the treaty is not for political activists but criminals only.
The OPM has continued to mount a low level, sometimes violent resistance against Indonesia for the independence of West Papua. Last month one man was killed for allegedly refusing to join the movement while the OPM also claimed responsibility for the killing of an Indonesian soldier, an incident that also left a civilian dead in the Papua district of Puncak Jaya.
Kogoya is also urging West Papuan activists living abroad to return home via Camp Victoria to continue the fight: "I want Jacob Prai in Sweden, John Ondawame in Australia, all those leaders abroad to come back to this camp, Camp Victoria, to continue the struggle for independence," he said.
Prai, a former head of the senate of the West Papua Provisional Government, and Ondawame, an academic and activist of the West Papua liberation movement, have been granted asylum in Sweden. Ondawame runs the OPM international office in Sweden.
Luke Hunt can be followed on Twitter at @lukeanthonyhunt.
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A google translate of article in Suarapapua. Be-aware google translate can be a bit erratic. 
Original bahasa ay
4) This Case Background Bloody Wamena and Wasior

Published On Thursday, July 11, 2013 By Oktovianus Pogau. Under: EDITORIAL, NATIONAL EDITORS CHOICE. Tags: BREATHING, HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS, Military / Police

Government asked to complete the Wasior and Wamena cases of dengue (Photo: Doc BREATH)
By: Editor *

Cases of human rights violations in Wasior originated from conflicts between people who claim compensation for land rights usurped by forest concession holders.

In the action at the end of March 2001 suddenly "unknown armed group" shot dead three employees of PT. DMP.

Post-shooting, Papua Police with the support of the Cenderawasih / XVII TRIKORA conducted "Operation Completed Matoa".

This operation has led to casualties among civilians.

Based on the Commission report indications of human rights violations have occurred in the form of: 1. Murder (4 cases); 2. Torture (39 cases), including the cause of death (dead in custody); 3. Rape (1 case), and 5. Enforced disappearances (5 cases); 6. Based on the investigation Snakes, forcible displacement occurs, the cause of death and disease, as well as 7. Loss and destruction of property.

Cases of human rights violations in Wamena indication associated with the military response to the case of an unidentified mob broke into the armory 1702/Wamena District Military Command Headquarters on 4 April 2003.

This burglary has menewaskankan two member district and one seriously injured. The attackers allegedly carried off a number of weapons and ammunition pujuk.

In order to hunt for the perpetrators, military-police officers conducting searches, arrests, torture and killing of civilians, thus creating fear society Wamena.

Berberdasarkan Komnas HAM report indications of human rights violations have occurred in the form of: 1. Murder (2 cases); 2. Forcible expulsion of the cause of death and disease (10 cases); 3. Other physical deprivation of liberty an arbitrary manner (13 cases); 4. Removal and destruction of property (58 cases); 5. Torture (20 cases); 6 shooting (2 cases); 9 people become political prisoners (detainees).

For nine years, the Commission file on the case indicated crimes against humanity committed Wasior-Wamena state officials never progressed.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's commitment to building constructive communication for peaceful solutions Papua will not progress, if the recommendations of the National Human Rights Commission human rights crimes were never acted upon. (***)
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A google translate of article in Suarapapua. Be-aware google translate can be a bit erratic. 
Original bahasa ay
5) Humanitarian action Papua Candles For Wasior and Bloody Wamena

Published On Thursday, July 11, 2013 By Oktovianus Pogau. Under: EDITORIAL, NATIONAL EDITORS CHOICE. Tags: DEMONSTRATION, BREATHING, HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS

One of the prominent leaders in Papua, Pastor. Benny Giay also took action Papua link some time ago at the roundabout, Jakarta (Photo: merdeka.com)
PAPUAN, Jakarta - On July 14, 2013, National Papua Solidarity (BREATH) in Jakarta will take action Humanity Candles Papua (Papua-link) for Wasior and Wamena bloody, precisely at the Hotel Indonesia, Jakarta, at around 20:00 pm.

Besides in Jakarta, cities outside Jakarta will also perform the same action, including in Papua and West Papua, and including overseas.

Elly Petege of BREATHING said Ramos, Papua link acts done to campaign for the resolution of cases of human rights violations in Papua, specifically Wasior and Wamena cases of dengue which occurred 9 years ago.
Here's a brief interview with Elly Ramos Petege of initiating BREATH convening the event:

What is Link Papua?

Candles Humanity (LINK) Papua is the solidarity the people who love and care Papua humanity simultaneously in various places, national and international, to campaign for the resolution of cases of human rights violations in Papua.

Link Papua performed because the state continues to ignore the human rights violations in Papua.

Focus Papua link action this time?

Link Papua campaign this time will concentrate on the settlement of human rights violations that Wasior-Wamena by the Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has been expressed as gross human rights violations and the file was submitted to the Attorney General for further action, but the stalling / not clear in the middle of the road.

When and Where?

Action will be carried out simultaneously on 14 July 2013. This date was chosen because on the same date and month, 9 years ago (2004), National Human Rights Commission has been completed and handed over Wasior-Wamena case file to the Attorney General. In Jakarta, Papua link will be held at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout begins at 20:00 pm.

In Other Cities?

Outside Jakarta, will be held also in Salatiga, Jombang, Semarang, Surabaya, Bandung, Bogor, Bali, and for Papua and West Papua will be centered in Jayapura and Sorong, while abroad will be held in Manila, Austalia and USA.

There is also an online media campaign through change.org like our site, Sorgemagazine and Breath Blog is always updated.

Why Wasior and Wamena?

File human rights violations Wasior-Wamena is result of ad hoc investigation team to probe pro justicia National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) for events Wasior 2001 and 2003 occurred in Wamena Papua Province.

The team, based Komnas HAM investigation, has found early indications of gross human rights violations in both cases.

But Attorney General returned them for reasons not yet complete and fulfill some formal and substantive requirements.

On December 29, 2004, the file is restored again by the Commission, regardless of the reason for the AGO. According to Komnas HAM, the National Human Rights Commission authority to investigate it in accordance with Law No. 26 Year 2000 on Human Rights Court.

Because the Commission remains at its founding, and the Attorney General also remains at its founding, the end to this day Wasior-Wamena case file as entry box and forgotten. Stagnates obscure fate. This incident has given impunity to the perpetrators and justice for the victims away.

What would campaigned?

Penuntaskan cases of human rights violations Wasior-Wamena by relying on the principle of justice for the victims.
Condemning Human Rights Commission and Attorney General of work in human rights cases handles Wasior-Wamena, because of the standing of this case will further strengthen impunity and increase the net social burden victim.
Handling of crimes against humanity in Papua should be followed up by forming a real and serious human rights court, as a first step to build constructive communication with Papua as stated by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Forms of support you expect?

Disseminate call support at all my friends who care about humanity.
Organizes links to Wasior-Wamena Papua in various places, documenting and disseminating the documentation for the expansion of support and political pressure.
Present in Papua link in their respective places, carrying candles demands solidarity and resolution of cases of human rights violations in Papua.
Recommends that the parties can assist in the success of the event organizers.
For those who do not / can not be present in the field, can be expressed support and solidarity through various social networks, through photographs and claim forms other statement.
The message?

BREATH deems it necessary to remind the seriousness and responsibility of the state to uphold human rights in the country.

When human rights in Papua are not progressing, then conflict and violence will keep recurring. Handling serious crimes against humanity in Papua can pave the way to start a peaceful dialogue to end the conflict.

1) Refugees and rebels set to dominate Rudd’s PNG visit

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1) Refugees and rebels set to dominate Rudd’s PNG visit

2) MSG aims ‘to restructure the Pacific landscape’

 Summit supports Kanak and West Papuan self-determination

3) KALOSIL’S AGENDA New Vanuatu PM’s top priorities

4) PNG Extradition Treaty forces political activists to flee

5) Moderate quake hits Papua

6) View Point: After Geneva:  ‘Makar’, tolerance  and reporting rape  

7) Warinussy proposal regarding solving the West Papuan problem

8) Actvists want proper attention to be  given to the medical needs of political prissoners

9) A Human Rights Tragedy 15 years ago is still Ignored by the Indonesian State


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1) Refugees and rebels set to dominate Rudd’s PNG visit




Asylum seekers and West Papua will be high on the agenda for Kevin Rudd’s talks with his PNG counterpart Peter O'Neill. AAP/Alan Porritt

As Australian prime minister Kevin Rudd lands in Port Moresby to meet with his Papua New Guinean counterpart Peter O'Neill, several conundrums are set to tax his mind and diplomatic skills.
Front and centre of the talks will be containing Australia’s escalating refugee crisis due to the currency this issue has with the Australian electorate. There’ll be other issues on the table as well, such as PNG’s health system and how Australia can help there.
But one problem testing Rudd’s mettle, however, has little sway with the Australian public, but is of huge significance to Indonesia: the resurgent support across the Pacific for thebeleaguered inhabitants of West Papua. Given Indonesia’s importance to Australia this means that the West Papua issue concerns us as well.
Papua New Guinea has always been a fascinating country and rather hard to comprehend for itinerant diplomats. Having simultaneously a booming economy (thanks to the mining and petroleum industries) and many aspects of a failed state, PNG defies simplistic analysis.
While Port Moresby is full of cranes, construction sites and brand new Toyota LandCruisers, the schools and aid posts in the bush – where some 80% of people still live – are falling apart and severely under-resourced in staff and materials. By some measures literacy is even falling. Yet there is a sense of optimism, especially amongst PNG’s elite, that the country has a bright future and is, as they say: “a mountain of gold floating in a sea of oil”.
There are serious problems to be sure. Epidemic rates of HIV-AIDS; rampant corruption; massive deforestation; mining operations that spread environmental devastation; aburgeoning population growing at one of the fastest rates on the world; entrenched violence against women; huge economic inequality and creeping land alienation under the Special Agricultural Leases are just a few.
PNG is also suffering the effects of climate change. Therecent flooding of the Sepik River is the biggest in living memory and has caused the destruction of houses that survived previous floods. But these problems are unlikely to be focused on other than in the AusAID conversation checklist. As a nation with a long history of providing PNG with aid and advice – which is only sometimes taken – Australia will continue to address these issues in a methodical and sometimes successful way.
The contemporary points of concern are more recent in origin: the saga of the Manus Island refugee camps and the sudden re-emergence of West Papua. The “Manus Solution” for Australia’s refugee crisis was dusted off and restarted under the previous Gillard government’s attempts to stem the flow of boat people.
The hope that the Manus policy would create such harsh conditions for asylum seekers that other prospective boat people would be put off making the hazardous journey was dashed almost as soon as the camps re-opened. The sheer number of asylum seekers arriving in Australia overwhelmed the system and filled the Manus Island camps quickly, but showed no sign of abating under the hoped-for deterrent effect.
Responding to domestic criticism in Australia and widespread discontent with the Manus Island refugee facilities in PNG,women and children have now been removed from the camps and sent to better conditions in Australian facilities. The government would now like Manus to become the regional processing centre for refugees, still retaining its disincentive role but working in conjunction with the PNG government.
Serious money will be spent upgrading and running Manus in an effort to mitigate domestic and international criticism and enable Australia to conform to its obligations under the various international agreements and protocols the government has signed.
This gives considerable bargaining power to the PNG government. Australia needs its co-operation to progress with these plans and will have to finesse the deal with concessions and enhanced aid. Perhaps Australia will even make it easier for PNG nationals to gain entry visas to this country: a common complaint amongst our Pacific neighbours.
The other issue where PNG holds considerable bargaining power is West Papua. Long a dormant, even dismissed, issue, the conflict on the western half of the island of New Guinea is entrenched, but has suddenly come to the fore of regional politics. For instance, the recent Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) meeting in Noumea was dominated by the spectre of West Papua.
Expatriate West Papuan independence groups have formally asked for membership of the MSG. For once, their requests are being taken seriously. This is due to a variety of factors such as the increasing knowledge of the murderous conflict from the internet, the better organisation of the West Papuan groups themselves, a more receptive audience amongst the new generation of Pacific leaders and an escalation of the conflict in West Papua itself, where violent demonstrations and unsolved killings are now commonplace.
The issue of West Papuan independence has gained fresh relevance recently after political ructions in the Pacific region. AAP/Sue Wellwood

It is widely accepted how sensitive the West Papua issue is for Indonesia, which vigorously maintains its claim of sovereignty over the region. Indonesia is deeply troubled by the growing internationalisation of the conflict and is actively engaged in countering support for the West Papuan cause in the Pacific countries – especially Vanuatu, but also in PNG and Australia.
When Rudd met with Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono last week it was Rudd who raised the issue of West Papua. Rudd pledged support for economic development in the region, presumably to improve the lot of the West Papuans in the hope that they might moderate their calls for independence.
Membership of the MSG by a West Papuan group would hugely boost their campaign and be a massive blow to Indonesian, and by extension, Australian diplomacy. MSG membership would give the West Papuans access to take their case to the United Nations and to garner support in African and Caribbean countries. Currently, the membership issue is pending: it has been put aside to allow – at Indonesia’s invitation –, government officials from the MSG countries (PNG, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands and Fiji) to visit West Papua to see the situation for themselves.
West Papua’s pending membership of the MSG therefore gives the Pacific countries – especially PNG as the biggest and most powerful member – great bargaining power in their dealings with both Australia and Indonesia. Therefore, this issue, and talks over the Manus Island facilities will feature heavily in Rudd’s brief visit to PNG. They are the areas in which PNG diplomats can exert pressure over the whole gamut of interactions the two countries share.
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http://www.islandsbusiness.com/2013/7/politics/msg-aims-to-restructure-the-pacific-landscape/

2) MSG aims ‘to restructure the Pacific landscape’

Summit supports Kanak and West Papuan self-determination

By Nic Maclellan 

As the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) celebrates its 25th anniversary, last month’s MSG Summit in New Caledonia showcased renewed purpose and a range of initiatives by the largest islands nations. The outgoing MSG chair, Fiji Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama, told the summit: “I believe that MSG solidarity has never been stronger. We are taking bold steps to restructure the landscape of the Pacific to better suit the needs and aspirations of our people. We are opening up possibilities and creating opportunities that other regional organisations have not .” The five MSG members include Papua New Guinea, Fiji, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, together with the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS), the coalition of parties calling for independence in New Caledonia.
The issue of self-determination in New Caledonia and West Papua was highlighted on the 19th summit agenda (with Bougainville likely to raise its profile in the coming years). MSG leaders also addressed initiatives in regional co-ordination, environment policy and trade between Melanesian nations. Vanuatu Prime Minister Moana Carcasses Kalosil proclaimed: “I am proud that the MSG Trade Agreement is the only active trading agreement in our region,” in sharp contrast to the drawn-out PACER-Plus and EPA trade negotiations.
With Fiji, Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu trading duty-free under the MSG Trade Agreement since January 2013, the summit discussed increased inter-island labour mobility and the concept of an MSG Stock Exchange to facilitate the movement of capital across MSG borders. Leaders received the report of an Eminent Persons Group (EPG) led by Fijian statesman Kaliopate Tavola, looking at the successes and challenges of the past, and mapping priorities for the MSG’s future. The increased profile and partnerships of the sub-regional organisation were highlighted by Fiji’s Foreign Minister Ratu Inoke Kubuabola, who stated that the MSG is poised to take “a quantum leap” into the future. Behind the public expressions of solidarity, however, there were also tensions that will cause ongoing challenges for Peter Forau, Director-General of the MSG Secretariat in Port Vila. A notable absence from the summit was PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill and Foreign Minister Rimbink Pato, who were leading a large delegation of ministers, officials and businesspeople to Indonesia. Their presence in Jakarta as the MSG debated West Papua shows the priority given to relations with PNG’s powerful neighbour. Even though PNG Deputy Prime Minister Leo Dion and Ambassador to Fiji Peter Efeare carried Port Moresby’s views into the summit, O’Neill’s absence was noticeable on several occasions, including the closing ceremony where Papua New Guinea was not represented.
Fiji too has stronger ties to Jakarta, after it exchanged ambassadors with Indonesia and welcomed the Asian power as an observer as Suva hosted the previous MSG summit in 2011. To the disquiet of some delegates, Fiji arrived with a roadmap to drive the West Papua debate, following a meeting held in Nadi in early June between Prime Minister Bainimarama and Djoko Suyanto, Indonesia’s Coordinating Minister for Legal, Political and Security Affairs and a former commander of Indonesia’s armed forces. Bainimarama received a warm welcome at the opening ceremony, winning applause for his role as MSG chair over the last two years. However, some participants expressed concerns over Fiji’s flawed transition to parliamentary elections. In a public lecture, Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare stated that the political situation in Fiji continues to test MSG solidarity “with a real risk of a chasm developing between MSG members if we are not careful.”
Solidarity with the Kanaks
As one of the signatories to the original MSG Agreement, Somare attended the summit as a guest of honour. He was joined by Vanuatu’s Ham Lini, representing the family of the late Walter Hayde Lini (the summit communique announced a Jubilee Scholarship Scheme in the name of the MSG’s founding member, who led Vanuatu to independence in 1980). Former President of French Polynesia Oscar Manutahi Temaru was also received with plaudits after he lost the battle but won the war—losing the recent election to long-time rival Gaston Flosse but finally achieving his goal of re-inscribing Maohi Nui on the United Nations’ list of non-self-governing territories. Temaru’s call for self-determination in the French Pacific echoed across the week—the central feature of the summit was the proud re-affirmation of MSG support for the FLNKS and the Kanak independence struggle. This year marks the 25th anniversary of the Matignon-Oudinot Accords, which ended the armed conflict that raged across New Caledonia between 1984 and 1988. The MSG too celebrates 25 years since it was founded in March 1988, jafter years of co-operation between Melanesian leaders in support of Kanak independence. Today, representatives of the Kanak movement sit alongside opponents of independence in the multi-party government of New Caledonia. But the FLNKS continues to look for solidarity from neighbouring Melanesian countries as a key element of their campaign for decolonisation. In order to link with local Kanak communities, the MSG summit was spread across all three provinces in New Caledonia, with senior officials meeting in the northern town of Pweedi Wimia (Poindimie), foreign ministers gathering on Lifou in the Loyalty Islands, while the final summit opened in the southern capital Noumea. In Lifou, Caroline Machoro-Reignier of the FLNKS took over as chair of the MSG Foreign Ministers Meeting (FMM). She is the first woman to hold the post and noted: “This appointment is a sign Melanesian women are ready to take their place as leaders.” Under its Parity Law, New Caledonia’s electoral system is designed to ensure that half the elected members of the provincial assemblies and Congress are women—a far cry from other Melanesian nations where women are barely represented in national parliaments.
FLNKS spokesperson Victor Tutugoro will serve as MSG chair over the next two years, taking the role at a crucial time. After elections in May 2014 for New Caledonia’s three provincial assemblies and Congress, the incoming parliamentarians must decide whether to proceed to a referendum on self-determination before 2018. The MSG summit opening was broadcast live on local TV and radio, but detailed newspaper coverage was sparse and local politics intruded. Calédonie Ensemble leader Philippe Gomes, who serves as New Caledonia’s representative in the French National assembly, unsuccessfully lobbied the French Foreign Minister to refuse a visa to Fijian PM Bainimarama. The Speaker of New Caledonia’s Congress Gerard Poadja, a member of Gomes’ anti-independence party, also boycotted the signing of an agreement between the Congress and the MSG Secretariat in Port Vila (The agreement includes 25 million French Pacific francs for the secretariat, and was initiated and signed by the Deputy Speaker of the Congress Roch Wamytan, who previously served as MSG chair in 2001).
Some anti-independence leaders called for the FLNKS to be replaced by the Government of New Caledonia as the official MSG representative. But New Caledonia’s President Harold Martin told ISLANDS BUSINESS he was happy to work under the current arrangement. “Since the 2007 Forum in Tonga, I’ve been saying that the government of New Caledonia would like to represent our nation as a full member of both the Forum and the MSG,” he said. “But we’re in the Pacific and it takes some time. Unlike my predecessor, I am quite reserved on this matter and we await the decision of the FLNKS about when the government could take a greater role in the MSG.”
Debate over West Papua
The other high profile issue was West Papua, with the FLNKS formally inviting the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL) to attend the summit. A five-person delegation led by WPNCL Vice President John Otto Ondawame and Secretary-General Rex Rumakiek arrived to lobby support of their bid for MSG membership, after a formal application was lodged with the MSG Secretariat last March. Other activists from the “Federal Republic of West Papua”, led by Jacob Rumbiak, also arrived in the New Caledonian capital, while Indonesia sent a large delegation to press its case, including former independence activists Franz Albert Joku and Nick Messet. With PNG and Fiji officials and ministers highlighting the “sensitive” and “complex” nature of their relationship with Indonesia, the FLNKS and Vanuatu expressed stronger public support for the West Papuan cause. “If this issue came up today within the MSG, it’s because the FLNKS requested it,” Machoro-Reignier said. “We asked the representatives of West Papua to come to New Caledonia to explain the situation to us. “We cannot just leave the issue aside, with all the exactions, the violations of human rights that West Papua is suffering.”
Earlier this year, the new government in Vanuatu led by Moana Carcasses Kalosil overturned close ties with Jakarta established by former Prime Minister Sato Kilman. In his address to the summit, Carcasses stated that West Papua’s cries for freedom “have been bluntly denied by many rich and wealthy countries including the United Nations for many decades...so I say that we as brothers must stand up for them. The epicentre of support for the advocacy for West Papuan self-determination must begin in this region, Melanesia.” After extensive debate and lobbying in the corridors, MSG leaders agreed to defer a decision on the West Papua membership application until after an official visit to Jakarta and Jayapura later this year. Fiji will lead the MSG ministerial mission, which must report back to the leaders within six months. In Lifou, Vanuatu Foreign Minister Edward Natapei told ISLANDS BUSINESS that his government accepted the consensus decision on the mission.
“Our reaction follows the majority in the meeting. It seems we are outnumbered, so we have to comply with the majority. I’m happy with that decision,” he said. “What we want is some timelines to ensure this issue is going to be dealt with within this year.”
WPNCL’s Ondawame expressed disappointment that the membership application was delayed, arguing that the Indonesian government and military would work to stage-manage the MSG mission. However, he said he valued the opportunity to address the summit plenary and highlighted positive commitments by the MSG leaders.
In unprecedented language, the final communique supported “the inalienable rights of the people of West Papua towards self-determination” and criticised “human rights violations and other forms of atrocities relating to the West Papuan people.”
Indonesia’s case was not helped by a breach of protocol during the leaders retreat at Escapade Island Resort. Members of the Indonesian delegation travelled by boat to the island where MSG leaders were meeting. A member of the delegation confirmed to ISLANDS BUSINESS that the incident had taken place, but described it as an “unfortunate step” after the delegation “possibly tried to communicate with the leaders—but I think they chose the wrong time.”
Beyond the high-profile debates, the summit covered a range of issues including reports from the March 2012 MSG Environment and Climate Change Conference and the May 2012 MSG Trade Ministers Meeting. Leaders agreed to draft legal text for a third phase of the MSG Trade Agreement, to extend negotiations beyond trade in goods into services and investment. The leaders signed agreements affecting justice and legal relations between MSG member countries, including a Memorandum on Police Co-operation, a Treaty on Custody and Child Maintenance and a Treaty on the Enforcement of Foreign Judicial Rulings. They also endorsed the concept of an MSG Department of Peace-Keeping Operations (DPKO).
Drawing on his expertise as a former foreign minister and ambassador, Tavola was named as an MSG High Level Representative for the next two years. Tavola told ISLANDS BUSINESS he was awaiting a formal terms of reference, but said: “It’s obviously a kind of roving ambassadorial role. The High Representative will work on instructions and mandate from the leaders, especially to promote what the MSG is all about, increase the partnerships that MSG can have with other development partners and donors and address the possibility of the MSG accessing some of the European Development Fund (EDF) allocations.”
MSG leaders old and new came away from the summit with renewed purpose, with Somare calling on member states to employ their size and strength to the service of the region: “An MSG without the Pacific is the weaker, just as a Pacific without the MSG is the poorer.”


THE MELANESIAN DREAM

By: Makereta Komai, PACNEWS
Looking ahead to the next 25 years, the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) wants to stamp its mark as a solid political sub-regional entity that effectively responds with confidence and authority on issues impacting its members and the Pacific at large.
To do so, the sub-regional bloc will promote itself as an ‘enhanced sub-regional’ group, casting its net wider to include the international community in its list of friends and partners. This bold vision is captured in a 47-page report of the Eminent Person’s Group led by Fiji’s Kaliopate Tavola. As Tavola puts it, “The rebranding builds on the current status of the group, with an enhanced role that reaches out within the Pacific region and globally.”
“We have explained in the report mechanisms by which the MSG can reach out. That way the MSG can provide leadership and create initiatives for other Pacific Islands Countries so that we can share some of these benefits with other Pacific Islands Countries. “Given the growing prominence of the MSG as a sub-regional group, the plan is to also look beyond regional borders.
“We are looking at improving our bilateral relations. We want to take advantage of the fact that we are now a legal entity under the UN. We want to take full advantage of that to secure more developmental assistance. “At the sub-regional level, the MSG will seek partnership with existing sub-regional groupings in the Pacific. “The MSG can have partnership with the Polynesian Leaders Group (PLG), which has just been established. The Micronesians have also established their grouping and over many years now we’ve had the Smaller Islands States in existence.
“We have to be more strategic in the way we choose the subjects for our co-operation. We have proposed two important issues of fisheries and climate change for instance,” said Ambassador Tavola. After two months of exhaustive consultation with member countries in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and FLNKS in New Caledonia, the group last month presented to MSG Leaders in Noumea a new direction for the MSG, where the organisation sees itself as a sub-set of Pacific regionalism, without any aspiration to become a regional organisation in competition with the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat. Instead, it wants to ‘consolidate its opportunities, readjust and learn from lessons drawn from both the mistakes and strengths of other groups.’ These opportunities lie in ‘reaching out to the rest of the Pacific and beyond, as an extension of its Melanesian inclusiveness’.
The MSG will establish an outreach programme to the rest of the Pacific as an honest expression of its serious demonstration of its international citizenship responsibilities, said the EPG report. Part of this re-branded strategy includes working closely with the emerging Pacific Islands Development Forum (PIDF). PIDF, from August this year will replace the Engaging with the Pacific, a Fiji Government initiative to bring all Pacific Islands Countries together to discuss common issues of mutual interest. The EPG admits the establishment of PIDF is reconfiguring Pacific regionalism. “Taking a long-term and strategic view of Pacific Islands Countries (PICs) and Pacific Small Islands Developing States (PSIDS) and their interests in the global context whose landscape is changing constantly, PIDF offers the best strategic advantages.
“PIDF presents the golden opportunity for the PSIDS to speak with the same voice and unity of purpose on global issues that are confronting humanity today. “Regionally, the MSG will strengthen co-operation with regional organisations. “The MSG will seek areas of synergies and collaboration, avoiding duplication.” The EPG recommends that the MSG Secretariat concludes co-operation agreements with the Secretariat of the Pacific Regional Environment Programme (SPREP) and the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat (PIFS) and the Pacific Islands Forum Fisheries Agency (FFA), similar to the agreement made with the Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC).
Melanesian Dream
From their consultations, the EPG found the Melanesian renaissance of the last 25 years has been a learning process that has engendered a collective sense of camaraderie and tour de force that has given birth to a new dream. “This is the dream of being united under the banner of a new vision with clear outcomes to which we can claim ownership, of readiness to take a quantum leap into the future, of restoration that we want to clean and improve our image and change how others regard us, of enterprise that ‘we can do it’ and that we do not have to wait around for someone else to tell us what to do and how to do it.
To realise this dream, the MSG must be serious about being a regional and global player of note. “The group should make all its decisions binding so that decisions are followed up, implemented with relevant policies and resource allocation, monitored and evaluated. The MSG constitution must be amended to reflect this appropriately and national law reform carried out to ensure proper legislation and national structures are in place for the delivery of government services. The Melanesian Dream is founded on a sense of maturity and premise that the current generation of MSG Leaders has the singularity of purpose to leave a legacy.
In the parting words of one of the founding fathers of Melanesia, the Grand Chief, Sir Michael Somare, “MSG has come a long way from its humble beginnings in Goroka. We certainly have not reached the ‘promised land’ that our people deserve and expect us to deliver.” The Kanaky people’s dream of emancipation has not been realised yet, said Somare. As the MSG moves forward, he appealed to the more well-endowed members of the MSG to be prepared to make sacrifices and ‘forego certain benefits for the common good and long term solidarity of MSG.’ “The willingness to extend a helping hand must continue to guide MSG’s approach to regional co-operation, said Somare. At the end of the 19th Summit of MSG Leaders in Noumea, there was a general feeling of optimism that the Melanesian sub-regional group is on course to take that quantum leap of faith into the future.
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3) KALOSIL’S AGENDA New Vanuatu PM’s top priorities

By Samisoni Pareti
West Papua’s struggle for independence has found a supporter in Vanuatu’s newest Prime Minister Moana Carcasses Kalosil.
The Tahitian-born politician but naturalised Vanuatu citizen not only pushed to get the Indonesian province to be admitted as a member of the powerful Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), he also directed his deputy and foreign minister Edward Natapei to review the aid assistance agreement his predecessor entered into with Indonesia. If he has his way, Kalosil would not be buying time by calling for a review of that agreement; he would have canned it on his first day in office.
In an interview with ISLANDS BUSINESS on a recent visit to Fiji, the Vanuatu leader admitted he runs a coalition government and would need to be mindful of the views of the other groups that make up his cabinet. “Indonesia is a big, powerful country that can help our economy,” said Kalosil. “I’m saying as Prime Minister, I want this issue of West Papua to be heard. “I want them to be part of MSG, to be members, and I am going to try to make sure they do become members because it is important for us.”
Kalosil didn’t get his way at last month’s Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) meeting in New Caledonia however.
Leaders of Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, the FLNKS of New Caledonia and Fiji opted to defer any decision on West Papua’s membership until a MSG delegation of Foreign Ministers visited Jakarta and West Papua at the invitation of the Indonesian Government. Support for the West Papuans who are seeking independence from Indonesia is part of Kalosil’s 100-day plan in office.
“Declaration of support for full membership of MSG for West Papua” was number 32 on the list of 68 things he wanted his Council of Ministers to implement before his 100 days in office is up. Excluding weekends, those days will be up by September. Kalosil spoke strongly of his support for West Papua when he flew into Fiji in May to attend a special session of the Group of 77 plus China. “Vanuatu stands firmly behind the struggle of West Papua and we all know that the founder of Vanuatu, the late Father Walter Lini, stood up very strongly on this matter with other leaders. I am just continuing that struggle.
“For the last 20 years, I have been an advocate and very strongly behind the struggle of West Papua. “I have been travelling the world a lot, I paid my own ticket to promote and speak out on the issue of West Papua. “I have nothing against Indonesia, no, no. I have a lot of Indonesian friends, and I like them very much. “But I believe someone has to speak up about human right issues over there. This is something we cannot turn a blind eye to. I mean they are part of our brotherhood.” Kalosil sounds optimistic but he knows the stakes are high. His country has already entered into a bilateral aid assistance agreement with Indonesia, which is already enjoying observer status within the MSG.
PNG, the leading MSG member, has always been reluctant to back the West Papua cause because of its policy of keeping peace with its neighbour, Indonesia. Fiji is likely to take its cue from Waigani. Very mindful that he took office last March on the back of the support of a loose coalition of other political groupings in addition to his own Green Party, Kalosil seems to have a strategy on how to keep his coalition and government intact.
“I am writing a letter to all political parties so that we could sit and discuss frankly the future, to shape the political future of Vanuatu and strengthen stability. “Some say we should take the model of PNG to introduce an integrity bill. “The problem is that our constitution does not permit that. We have in our constitution the freedom of movement and choice, and that is paramount.
“You can’t stop anyone moving from here to there. It’s the same for a member of parliament. If he is elected from this political party and decides to move to the other group, we can’t do anything about it.” So does he feel his government is going to last, or will it suffer the same fate as those before him? “Many times a prime minister will form a government promising a few things. But when he doesn’t deliver, this is the time backbenchers will move. I don’t make promises. I have a reputation for yes means a yes, and no is a no.” The Vanuatu leader touched on a wide range of matters in the interview with ISLANDS BUSINESS and they include:
• MSG Trade
“The trade agreement is good but we need Vanuatu to benefit more from it and I’m working on it. Unfortunately, we don’t have much to export. “We have organic beef...this is something we are negotiating with the Fiji Government and how we can get our private sector to promote our beef industry in Fiji. So this is something we can share. And vice versa. I have had a meeting with Fijian businessmen to promote doing business in Vanuatu. “We want to see how we can help each other in trade.”
• Kava
“The funny thing is people in Fiji are taking our kava and exporting it as ‘Made in Fiji’ label. I think seriously we need to be more open in our discussions, to have systems in place. Otherwise Vanuatu does not benefit from this trade agreement. But we will find solutions. There are always solutions. There’s the saying that there are many ways to skin a cat, so we have to find ways in which Vanuatu can benefit too.”
• Economic Participation of ni-Vanuatu
“What we are promoting now is partnership with ni-Vanuatu. I can say for 23 years, ni-Vanuatu were mere spectators in the economy of Vanuatu. Now we want them to be actors, to be part of the economy. That is a part of my government’s 100-day plan. We want to impose in some sectors the 51% ownership rule by ni-Vanuatu.”
• Tourism Investments
“Forty percent of our GDP comes from tourism. We need to open up far-flung provinces like Torba to tourism, so we have decided to upgrade the airport over there to take ATR 72 planes.”
• G77
“I must say the north has given us their way of life where success is based on money. Now the question is, ‘do we in the south want to follow that way of life?’ “We can see today that the world is suffering because of that model; do we need $1 billion in our bank accounts, is that the way of life we want? “Do we need 20 trucks? Do we need 10 houses?”
• Climate Change
“We can’t change climate. When I was on the island of Torba, that’s a province in the remote north of our country, a chief told me, ‘You see Prime Minister, my house was over there 20 years ago.’ Pointing to the sea, some 800 metres. ‘Please do something about it.’ I couldn’t answer him. I didn’t have any answer. And that’s the challenge we in the Pacific are facing at the moment.”
• West Papua
“We should really speak out and do something about it. It’s like you watch TV and you watch people suffering and being killed, and you sit there, eating and just say ‘oh la la.’ “That’s not good if you don’t do anything about it. It’s become so common to see on TV that people are suffering that we don’t care. Well, Vanuatu does care.
• Government Stability
“The challenge for any prime minister is to keep stability and support. Many prime ministers have tried through dialogue to put a system in place that revises/changes the voting system in parliament. So may be our voting system is not a true representative of the voters. May be this is something we should look into.”
• Holding Council of Ministers’ Meeting in the Provinces
“What happened at that first (cabinet) meeting was that we interacted with the people. We had the chance to listen to women leaders, youth leaders, chief leaders and church leaders to discuss issues directly with members of my cabinet, interact with us and tell us what they want from their government. Not only that, we brought donors to become part of the interactive discussions, and the private sector as well. I told the Chamber of Commerce that I wanted them to be there. ‘We want to work with you because you are the ones who are going to tell us what sort of policies that will grow the economy.”
• Diplomatic Appointments
“I want an audit of each of our missions. There was also a law that was amended called the Passport Act. It was amended in 2011. It allowed non-citizens to hold diplomatic passports of Vanuatu. We will amend that in July so that non-citizens cannot hold a diplomatic passport. One has to be a citizen of Vanuatu in order to qualify. This will stop the sale of Vanuatu diplomatic passports. We have 187 diplomatic passports that were, well I would not say sold, but were given away and I have charged the Deputy PM and Minister of Foreign Affairs to look into the matter and come back with some propositions about how we can develop further missions abroad in a way that respect international law and our own laws in Vanuatu.”
• Illegal sale of public land
“First ,we are doing a stock-take of public sales that were done since 2010. I was in government then and I remembered that the Council of Ministers had directed that no public land should be sold to anyone without the prior consent of the Council of Ministers. But in spite of that directive, the Minister for Land then continued to sell public land. We believe these sales were illegal and we have charged our new minister of land to inform these people that they can voluntary return these lands, we will reimburse their money, or they will face the consequence by taking them to court. And we will not only institute civil proceedings but criminal charges as well.”

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4) PNG Extradition Treaty forces political activists to flee

Liam Cochrane reported this story on Sunday, July 14, 2013 07:13:00

SIMON SANTOW: Last week, the ABC's stand-in PNG (Papua New Guinea) correspondent Liam Cochrane made a trip to the far north-west of Papua New Guinea to meet a rebel commander of the Free Papua Movement. 

Indonesia keeps foreign media out of the disputed provinces of Papua and West Papua, so the best way to get first hand information is either to sneak in illegally or to try and meet activists as they take refuge across the border. 

Liam took the legal option, and here is his report.

LIAM COCHRANE: The four-wheel-drive had been bouncing along a logging road for about an hour when my contact, the go-between to the West Papua rebel commander, turned to me in the back seat and said: "Leon" - which is close enough - "Leon, I need to ask you one question."

I thought, 'Ah, this is the point where he sounds me out about my politics and what I think of the West Papuan movement.'

I readied myself for a diplomatic, neutral answer. 

"Leon", he said, "Where can I buy guns?"

I had to laugh and explain I really wasn't the right person to help him procure weapons. I explained I was an independent journalist and my value to him was in getting the story in international media.

That story had two main elements - meet Danny Kogoya, a commander of the Free Papua Movement's militant wing, and visit a base near the border where I'd been told 200 armed men were taking refuge. 

The news angle was an extradition treaty recently signed by Papua New Guinea and Indonesia that PNG's opposition argued could be used to send back activists and fighters like Danny Kogoya. 

Two weeks ago I'd never heard of Danny Kogoya, but an article in the local paper told of his arrest last September, during which he was shot in the leg. He was jailed, released and then, he says, threatened with re-arrest. So he fled across the border.

The one thing missing from the story was the fact that Danny Kogoya's shot-up leg had been amputated below the knee - to be exact, the story said he was "nursing a deep cut and a fractured leg", which I guess is technically correct. 

Mr Kogoya was extremely happy to see a foreign journalist. He didn't speak English and I didn't speak Indonesian, but he hugged for a long time when we first met. 

And later he kept shaking my hand and smiling broadly as we sat in the back seat. 

In the tray of the vehicle were six young men, unarmed but acting as out security as we made our way to the border. At most stops, Danny and I had to stay inside the car behind the tinted windows to avoid attracting attention. 

At one roadside market however, I was allowed out and the go-between sliced open a coconut - a welcome drink in the hot sun. 

Most of the men bought bunches of betel nut, the mild stimulant that stains teeth dark red and they chewed and spat the red liquid out for the rest of the journey. 

(Engine noise)

When we finally got to Camp Victoria, a few kilometres inside Papua New Guinea's border with Indonesia, the place was empty and the grass was knee high. 

It was only then explained to me that the 200 fighters said to be under Danny's command had been sent out on long patrols across Indonesia's Papua province. They were said to be fanning out to help with the annual July 1 ceremonies that mark the anniversary of a declaration of independence that has not become a reality on the ground. 

On this day, July 1, it's common for activists to raise the Morning Star flag, the symbol of the West Papuan independence movement that is banned in Indonesia. In the past, flag-raising ceremonies have attracted brutal retribution from Indonesian authorities. 

But at Camp Victoria there was no flag, no guns, and no fighters. 

This was quite a let-down. 

For years, people have questioned just how strong the Free Papua Movement's military wing really is and this trip was supposed to be a chance to meet rebel fighters without breaking the law and sneaking across the border. 

But I still had Danny Kogoya, the one-legged commander, and so I got busy setting up for an interview. 

(Danny Kogoya speaking in foreign language)

DANNY KOGOYA(translated): I want Jacob Prai and those in Swedish…

LIAM COCHRANE: It was hard going. 

Many of my questions were probing the level of support for Danny's cause and trying to get a sense of whether there was any change in strategy, considering the lack of tangible results in previous decades.

It was perhaps not the kind of advocacy journalism Danny was used. 

Many of Danny's answers were variations of, "I want independence for West Papua", or things like "we need to come together and join hands for the freedom of West Papua".

And I had a growing feeling that my translator, a supporter of the West Papua movement, was embellishing Danny's answers and giving me what he thought I wanted to hear. 

Towards the end of the interview, one of his translations went for about four times as long as Danny's response and involved a grisly accusation of cannibalism that didn't seem to have much to do with the question I'd asked. 

Light was fading and we wrapped it up, heading to a local village for a communal meal of rice and instant noodles before heading to bed with promises of a military ceremony at 6am sharp.

Throughout the night, the village drunkards had a party in full swing, and music blared until dawn. Nobody told them to be quiet; nobody wanted to be on the wrong side of a drunk man's bush knife. 

By morning, the overgrown Camp Victoria had been given a makeover thanks to three commandeered machetes and there was a flag pole in the centre of the clearing flying the Morning Star flag. 

Perhaps not surprisingly for this part of the world, the 6am show of arms was a little ambitious. The main problem seemed to be convincing people to display their hidden guns in front of the camera, because carrying weapons in public is illegal in PNG. 

After five hours of delays, the ceremony started. 

(People talking)

The bush camp filled with more than a hundred people and around 30 men, women and children lined up dressed in a colourful assortment of ceremonial dresses. 

There were grass skirts and white face paint on some of the women; some men had headdresses fashioned from bright green leaves and several had long necklaces made of shells and bone. 

Six men had homemade rifles.

(Commander issuing parade orders)

Someone suggested the men fire off a round for the benefit of the cameras, but it turned out nobody had any bullets. 

I whispered to the go-between, "How are you going to fight the Indonesians without any bullets?"

He just smiled but another man who spoke some English volunteered to get in front to the camera and explain their lack of ammo was exactly why the world should pitch in and send them military equipment. 

Time was well and truly up. I was running late for my security check-in with the ABC to confirm all was well. 

In fact, none of the security issues that I'd envisaged had been a problem. The only slight moment of concern was when the security guys in the tray of the car started arguing on the trip back. It had something to do with who had chipped in money to buy beer and who was chosen to sit in the back seat, inside the car, once we dropped Danny Kogoya off at his safe house. 

(Engine noise)

The trip ended well and the story was on TV and radio a few days later. 

SIMON SANTOW: Liam Cochrane reporting there.
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http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/89843/moderate-quake-hits-papua

5) Moderate quake hits Papua

Sun, July 14 2013 13:20 | 57 Views
Bandarlampung, Lampung Province (ANTARA News) - A moderate quake measuring 5.1 on the Richter scale hit Nabire, Papua province, on Sunday at 11.43 West Indonesian Time (WIB).

According to information from the Meteorology, Climatology and Geophysics Agency (BMKG), the quake was centered 3.35 degrees southern latitude and 135.90 degrees eastern longitude at a depth of 72 kilometers. 

Earlier on July 2, a magnitude 6.2 quake hit Central Aceh and Bener Meriah districts in Aceh province. About 33 people were killed, 33 missing, and 92 others injured seriously and 352 lightly because of the quake.

The quake also left 5,516 houses damaged heavily, 2,750 moderately and 5,593 lightly. It also damaged 77 government office buildings, consisting of 48 heavily, 20 moderately and nine lightly, 136 mosques, consisting of 36 heavily, 25 moderately and 75 lightly, and a general hospital and tens of public health service posts.

(Reporting by Budisantoso Budiman/translating and editing by Amie Fenia Arimbi)
Editor: Priyambodo RH
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6) View Point: After Geneva:  ‘Makar’, tolerance  and reporting rape  
This week the UN scrutinized Indonesia for the first time regarding its reports on civil and political rights, eight years after we ratified the international covenant on the issue. Well before the ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, our constitutional amendments progressed dramatically with clear state guarantees on non-derogable rights including the freedom of expression, of association and assembly.

In Geneva in Switzerland, the UN Human Rights Committee heard both the government’s report and that of NGOs. Both reports lauded Indonesia’s progress since the end of the New Order in 1998, mainly regarding legal reform, although the NGO report was naturally more critical. 

At the end of July, the committee will list its recommendations, and we can expect lots of work to do. Especially as the committee seemed unsatisfied with the answers of the government delegation on all our unresolved rights violations, from the murder of activist Munir to the harassment of the gay community.

For now let us look at how we deal with specific human-rights issues. Three cases come to mind — the Bloody Biak (Biak Berdarah) tragedy of July 6, 1998, when at least eight Papuans were shot dead following the hoisting of the Morning Star flag, a symbol of resistance, in the coastal town of Biak Numfor. Over a 100 were reportedly detained and dozens remain missing from this incident, the 15th anniversary of which was recently commemorated.

Second, Wednesday’s statement by Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali, that Indonesia is a tolerant country. 

And third, the alleged rape of a journalist, whose claims the police suspect are untrue.

Biak Berdarah is one of many such unsolved crimes — so many that not even survivors’ testimonies of being tortured, raped and subjected to appalling sexual abuse, have been enough to lead to further investigations or accountability. A “Citizens’ Tribunal” at the University of Sydney on July 6 may have been the last resort for survivors seeking to gain some recognition.

Yet participants in the mock tribunal (biak-tribunal.org) expect the usual backlash — that the event will be dismissed as just another effort by a few Papuans seeking global attention for their cause for independence, with the help of nosy Australians. It was the Papuans’ own fault for violating the law on subversion or makar, many Indonesians may say.

A similar mindset explains the indifference to the many other violent incidents in Papua, whether there is a flag ceremony or not. Rights to freedom of expression, of opinion and freedom of association and assembly sound alien here when it comes to condemning makar. Of course the racial difference of Papuans to most Indonesians worsens the stigma.

Subversion — for which the penalty is death — is sacriledge to the national sense of harmony; that we are all one happy nation after the sacrifices in gaining independence. Papuan claims that the UN-supervised 1969 referendum was rigged, are considered mere propaganda by activists.

That civil and political rights include the right to express the wish for freedom and separation from the state, is unthinkable to many steeped in one black-and-white version of history. So our security forces have a virtually free hand in Papua, as they did in former East Timor and Aceh. 

Other Indonesians assume they are hunting suspected traitors to the united Republic. Few questions are asked, similar to the 1960s witch-hunt of communists.

The second recent landmark in our human rights’ record is the statement by Suryadharma that we are a “tolerant” nation. He said that between 1977 and 2004 Indonesia saw an increase in mosques of 64 percent, while Christian churches increased by 131 percent, Catholic churches 152 percent, Hindu temples 475 percent and Buddhist temples 368 percent. Thus, he asked, why is everyone ranting about a few Ahmadis and Shiites driven out of their homes? It was the Muslim majority whose beliefs were being disturbed by their deviating principles, he said.

Yet the discrimination and violence against minorities — with perpetrators only getting a slap on the wrist — contradicts the minister’s description of Indonesia as “a country that respects its pluralistic society”. 

Everyone is free to worship yet Jakarta allows local bans on minority faiths, based on the 1965 Blasphemy Law.

Of course the problem is not really legal misunderstandings, but the battle by conservative Islam seeking legal and formal recognition at the national and local level. Anyone needing their votes displays empathy to their aspiration to make their version of Islam the dominant religious code.

The third case further highlights the work we still have to do — the coverage of the reporter who allegedly lied to police that she was raped last month, in order to cover up an affair. The media has largely swallowed the police line of the woman cheating on her “tearful” husband. 

She only sustained light bruises, the police said, possibly from a beating and forceful groping by her lover. Such alarming coverage shows the media has not progressed much in its understanding of the right to safety and freedom from violence.

The coverage is overpowered by the public morality code — that a woman can only be a victim if she is a “good” woman, and it serves her right if she isn’t. This powerful morality code discourages women from reporting violence inflicted by boyfriends and husbands. Not to mention female victims in hotbeds of “treason”.

The deeply ingrained beliefs of makar, “deviant beliefs” and a morality code defined by a male-dominant, conservative culture, are not unchangeable — if we can overhaul the attitude that it is acceptable to dismiss or tread on fellow citizens, torture or kill them, when they “defy” the dominant codes of nationalism, religion and morality.

The author is a staff writer at The Jakarta Post.


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7) Warinussy proposal regarding solving the West Papuan problem

Statement by Yan Christian Warinussy, Executive-Director of LP3BH

I would like to propose an alternative solution to the problem of Papua.

Besides the need for dialogue, which is being vigorously promoted by the Papuan people for a solution to their problem with the help of the Papuan  Peace Network, the LP3BH -Manokwari wishes to offer a different approach, which would be via legal means.

In addition to this being a peaceful solution, it would also be within the constitutional framework, that is to say, based on the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.

The legal procedure would mean looking at every single law that is discriminatory towards the indigenous Papuan people, as well as every regulation which is discriminatory in the sense of eliminating or marginalising  the Papuan people from their basic human rights or which violates the basic rights that should be available to the Papuan people for their protection and for obtaining work for their livelihood.

In addition, the Papuan people should be able to challenge any legal instrument or law that violates their rights as citizens of the Republic of Indonesia, for their legal protection both in Indonesia and universally.

One thing that we think is very logical  is for the Papuan people to think about using legal means  to challenge the exploitation of their natural resources which are now being exploited by foreign companies such as Freeport in Tembagapura and British Petroleum in Bintuni Bay.

One move that is being considered by the LP3BH together with other civil society organisations  is to take action through the Working Forum of  NGOs throughout the territory of West Papua to call for a Judicial Review by the Constitutional Court of the article in the Indonesian Constitution relating to treason (makar).

The LP3BH considers that taking action through legal procedures  would also mean raising the issue of the right to self-determination and taking action against the countries which were involved in the events between 1961 and 1963 - The Netherlands, the United States and the Republic of Indonesia, the violation of which is taking extremely seriously by the United Nations.

Translated by TAPOL
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8) Actvists want proper attention to be  given to the medical needs of political prissoners
JUBI, 5 July, 2013

An activist in basic human rights, Baguma had urged the Indonesian Government, specifically the Regional Office for Law and Human Rights, to pay proper attention to the health conditions in the Abepura Prison, with regard to the political prisoners.

'Jefrai Murib  was transferred to Abepura Class IIA prison to be treated for a stroke in Dian Harapan Hospital , but the prison took the decision to treat him by electronic procedures only.'

According to Baguma who is an activist working with BUK (United for Truth), Jefrai Murib  is not getting the treatment and control in accordance with the procedures that have been recommended by the doctors. Sometimes he is taken to the hospital for treatment only two days in a week, depending on the official who should accompany him or he is not taken for treatment because of the lack of transportation.

''The right side of the prisoner is completely paralysed.'

Baguma said  that the neurologist at the Dian Hospital said that Jefrai had had a very severe stroke which means that his treatment will take a very long time indeed.. The doctor recommended that he should be treated at the Dian Harapan Hospital but the  prison authorities said that the transfer and treatment would be much too expensive.

Baguma said: 'We hope that the medical professionals will pay proper attention to the health conditions of the political prisoners . The prisoner is  great pain and is unable to move his right  arm. He said that it is very difficult for him even to go to the toilet.'

Translated by TAPOL
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9) A Human Rights Tragedy 15 years ago is still Ignored by the Indonesian State
JUBI, 6 July, 2013

KontraS Papua, Bersatu untuk Kebenaran (BUK) and Elsham have issued a joint statement saying that the Indonesian State has shown no interest in the Tragic Bloody Incident which occurred in Biak fifteen years ago, on 6 July 1998.

The Bloody Biak Incident was a humanitarian tragedy  in which the local people were the victims simply for peacefully unfurling the Morning Star Flag at the top of a 35 metre water tower  near the Biak Harbour,' said Nehemia Yarinap, the secretary of  BUK.at a press conference in the KontraS office in Jayapura.

He said that the peaceful action in which between 500 and 1,000 people took part  ended in arbitrary arrests, maltreatment, torture   and other dreadful things. The attack resulted in about 250 casualties, of whom eight were killed, three disappeared  and many heavily wounded people were taken to Makassar for treatment, while 33 people were taken into custody, some 150 people were maltreated and 32 bodies were later found.

Every year since 1998 there have been significant developments in Indonesia with regard to human rights and human rights bodies have been set up such as under Law 39/1999 on Human Rights and Law 28/2000 on Human Rights Courts  as well as Law 9/1998 on Freedom of Expression.' Nehemia Yarinap said.

Olga Hamadi of KontraS also said that the government had ratified a number of international covenants such as the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, as well as the Covenant Against Torture, and had agreed to the establishment of the National Human Rights Commission.

'However, the Biak Tragedy and other grave human rights violations have not been part of these developments because the state has done has done nothing to acknowledge the victims of that tragedy,' said Olga Hamadi, the Director of Komnas Ham - Papua.

Olga Hamadi said that the fact that the Indonesian State has failed to acknowledge the many victims of that bloody incident is clear proof of that.

Translated by TAPOL

1) Kiaps of PNG recognised at l oneg last

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1)  Kiaps  of  PNG  recognised  at  l oneg  last

2) Human Rights Committee considers Initial report of Indonesia 
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http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/breaking-news/kiaps-of-png-recognised-at-long-last/story-fni0xqi4-1226678413403
1) Kiaps  of  PNG  recognised  at  l ong  last
CHRIS Viner-Smith was a cadet Papua New Guinea patrol officer when the trawler taking him to his first posting ran into a reef and sank.
He survived. But worse was to come during his 10 years working in the wilds of PNG.
"There were many close calls. I was locked up in an Indonesian jail in Merauke after I was captured on the border. I thought I was going to be shot," Viner-Smith recalled.
Now 72, retired and living in Canberra, Viner-Smith has for the past decade campaigned for official recognition for this little known part of Australia's colonial history.
This week, Home Affairs Minister Jason Clare awarded the Police Overseas Service Medal to 55 former Australian members of the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary in recognition of their service between 1949 and 1973.
"They have never been properly recognised for the work they did to maintain order in Papua New Guinea. The ceremony today is righting a wrong and providing long overdue recognition of the important work they did," the minister said.
Patrol officers were invariably known as "kiaps" - a PNG Tok Pisin language derivation of the German kapitan (captain) from the era pre-World War I when northern PNG was a German colony.
Kiaps were the tangible representatives of the Australian administration in remote areas of the nation, travelling accompanied by only a few local policemen and juggling the multiple roles of policeman, ambassador, explorer, farmer, engineer and anthropologist.
After leaving school in South Australia in 1961, 19-year-old Viner-Smith spotted an advertisement for a cadet patrol officer.
He applied and - after passing medical tests to ensure he was fit to walk the mountains, valleys and swamps of PNG and a psychological test to ensure he could cope working alone - was given the job.
He did training in Sydney and more in Port Moresby. As a cadet, early patrols were under the guidance of an experienced officer.
Viner-Smith's first foray didn't end well. The trawler transporting to his first posting hit a reef and sank. He returned to Moresby and finished the journey aboard a Catalina flying boat.
Subsequently, he served for a decade in PNG. At the height of tensions over Indonesia's confrontation with Malaysia, Viner-Smith was on the border adjacent to Indonesian West Papua.
"They (the Indonesians) had just taken over from the Dutch. A lot of the refugees who were a bit scared of the Indonesians were running across to our side of the border," he said.
"The (Australian) army wasn't allowed anywhere near the border and it was up to us as patrol officers to stop the Indonesian army coming across into Australian territory.
"Being a one man patrol post, it was just me against the Indonesian army."
Hence, the unwelcome trip to Merauke in Indonesian West Papua.
Viner-Smith said the life of a kiap was to live on a patrol base in the middle of nowhere, patrolling a specified area on foot or in boats for any time between three weeks and three months.
"We weren't resourced very well. There was no radio backup while you were on patrol. There was no medical assistance of course. You were miles and miles from anywhere. You lived on your wits the whole time and survived that way," he said.
Kiaps travelled from village to village with the prime mission of maintaining law and order, acting as a travelling magistrate to settle disputes. Sometimes there was specific missions such as conducting a census or introducing local government as a precursor to national government.
"We did many other things. We were the chief officer of all government departments in our area and we built bridges and we built airstrips. We were the post master and we gave weather reports. Everything there was to do we did."
Viner-Smith said this was an enormous job, unknown to most Australians.
"It was perhaps one of the most magnificent colonisations of a country, bringing it from a primitive state to nationhood in 25 years with very little violence. It's never been done anywhere else in the world," he said.
Of the 2000 kiaps, official records show 23 died on duty, although Viner-Smith believes it could really be as high as 40.
"That's a higher death rate per capita than the Vietnam War," he said.
Tribesmen murdered some kiaps. Others died of accidents and illness.
Each was issued with a World War II Smith and Wesson revolver and ammunition, which didn't always work.
"Even though we were armed, it was very very rare that any patrol officer would use their arms," he said.
"We were on a mission of getting to know the locals, earning their respect and using the Queen's law in the form of the Queensland Criminal Law and mixing that with native custom to administer justice in a way which they understood."
After leaving PNG in 1971, he returned to Australia, working in a variety of jobs including the Queensland Department of Aboriginal affairs and emergency services.
"It was very hard settling down back in Australia, having lived on your own wits and ingenuity for 10 years, coming back and being bossed around by somebody," he said.
Viner-Smith launched the campaign for recognition of the kiaps in 2002 after talking with a senior Australian Federal Police officer who said what he had done in Somalia was nothing compared to what the kiaps had done in PNG.
"Every day, 600 or so young Australians were out there in the middle of the jungle at the Australian government's request, bringing a country to the brink of nationhood against incredible odds," he said.
"There were snakes and spiders and spears and arrows and axes and horrific things up there which we and the government didn't publicise very much."
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2) Human Rights Committee considers Initial report of Indonesia
http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=13531&LangID=E

Human Rights Committee considers Initial report of Indonesia

Human Rights Committee

11 July 2013
The Human Rights Committee this afternoon concluded its consideration of the initial report of Indonesia on its implementation of the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Harkristuti Harkrisnowo, Deputy-Minister for Human Rights at the Ministry of Law and Human Rights of Indonesia, introducing the report, said that a National Human Rights Action Plan had been implemented in order to mainstream human rights issues in all national policies.  Indonesia had started its democratic transition 15 years ago and had undergone dramatic changes in almost all aspects of the nation’s life.  Freedom of religion was guaranteed by the Constitution.  The Government attached great importance to gender equality and provisions had been elaborated in various legislative frameworks, covering areas such as education, employment, housing and health.  The death penalty continued to be part of Indonesia’s law and a judicial review had found that it complied with the Constitution; however, it was only applied to the most serious crimes.  Allegations of acts of torture were thoroughly investigated and duly processed in accordance with the law.  Concrete measures had also been taken to improve the conditions of detention in correctional facilities. 

Committee Experts requested clarification regarding the declaration made by Indonesia upon its signature of the Convention, concerning limitations to the right of self-determination.  The Covenant had to be implemented in all regions, regardless of their autonomy, and the Government was bound to ensure that all provisions of the Covenant were fully implemented, even in regions where by-laws were in contradiction with some provisions of the Covenant. The judiciary had to be trained in order to be made fully aware of the provisions of the Covenant, which had to be interpreted in line with the Committee’s recommendations.  Experts noted that serious violations of human rights had to be investigated and that perpetrators had to be duly prosecuted.  Improving women’s access to justice was of paramount importance, especially in isolated and rural areas.  Concern was also voiced about restrictions on the Ahmadiyya Muslim community.

In her closing remarks, Ms. Harkrisnowo thanked the Committee Experts for the constructive dialogue, which created a momentum in Indonesia to discuss and enhance the concrete implementation of the provisions of the Covenant.

Nigel Rodley, Chairperson of the Committee, in preliminary concluding remarks, said that the presentation of the initial report of Indonesia was an important moment for the Committee.  He noted that Indonesia was undergoing a process of democratic transition.  It was troubling that the practice of the death penalty had been resumed for drug-related crimes.  Mr. Rodley underlined that the regional autonomy of provinces should not be used to justify practices that did not respect human rights standards.

The delegation of Indonesia included representatives of the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Communications and Informatics, the Coordinating Ministry of Political, Legal and Security Affairs, the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Presidential Advisory Board, the Attorney General’s Office, the Indonesia National Police, the Indonesian Armed Forces, the Unit of Acceleration of Development for Provinces of Papua and West Papua, and the Permanent Mission of Indonesia to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

The concluding observations and recommendations of the Committee on the report of Indonesia will be released towards the end of the session, which concludes on Friday, 26 July.

The next public meeting of the Human Rights Committee will be at 10 a.m. on Friday, 12 July when it will consider the sixth periodic report of Finland (CCPR/C/FIN/6).

Report of Indonesia

The second periodic report of Indonesia on its implementation of the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights can be read here: (CCPR/C/IDN/1).

Presentation of the report

HARKRISTUTI HARKRISNOWO, Deputy-Minister for Human Rights, Ministry of Law and Human Rights of Indonesia, presenting the initial report of Indonesia (CCPR/C/IDN/1) said that the delegation was ready to engage constructively with the Committee and that the present dialogue would contribute to further progress in the promotion and protection of civil and political rights.  The Government was strongly committed to the promotion and protection of human rights and a series of in-depth discussions and consultations with a wide array of stakeholders had been conducted across the country in preparation of the report.  A National Human Rights Action Plan had been implemented in order to mainstream human rights issues in all national policies.  Some important developments in the field of civil and political rights had taken place since the submission of the report in 2012.

Indonesia, the largest archipelagic State in the world, had started its democratic transition 15 years ago and had undergone dramatic changes in almost all aspects of the nation’s life.  A legislative and institutional framework had been developed to promote and protect human rights; civil society flourished and played a powerful check-and-balance role.  However, challenges in the promotion and protection of human rights remained.  The Covenant complemented existing laws and regulations, and served as an important foundation for laws which had been subsequently enacted in the field of civil and political rights.

Freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly was guaranteed by the legal system.  Independent mechanisms had been established to ensure that the freedom of the press was exercised in a responsible manner, such as the independent commission on broadcasting and the commission on information.  The important role played by civil society, including the media, in promoting and protecting human rights was fully recognized.  Efforts were made to ensure that the rule of law was upheld.  Freedom of religion was guaranteed by the Constitution and enhancing gender equality was a significant priority.

The Government had made efforts to translate its commitment to human rights into action.  The provisions of the Covenant had been included in the National Human Rights Action Plan.  The third plan, currently being implemented, incorporated all international human rights instruments that Indonesia had ratified.  The plan introduced an additional complaints mechanism, which provided more room for the public to channel grievances on issues concerning human rights.  In 2012, 889 communications had been received by the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, out of which 116 had been processed and resolved. 

The Criminal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure were being modernised.  Draft laws, including a definition of torture in accordance with the Convention against Torture, had been submitted to the Parliament in 2012 and covered issues that were not regulated by the current Criminal Code.

Ensuring access to justice for all was part of the Government’s agenda.  One concrete measure to this end was the provision of free legal services to those who needed them, to be effective in 2013.  The Ministry of Law and Human Rights had completed the verification and accreditation of about 500 legal aid organizations throughout Indonesia.  Steps had also been taken in the area of protection for witnesses and victims.

A new law on the juvenile criminal justice system enacted in 2012 introduced a restorative justice approach towards children in conflict with the law.  That law would enter into force in 2014 and efforts were being taken to prepare for its full implementation.  A Coordinating Forum on Acceleration of the Issuance of Birth Certificates had been established in 2011 in order to ensure that all children would be duly registered and have birth certificates by 2015.  In 2009, 42 per cent of Indonesian children had birth certificates and the proportion had increased to 64 per cent by 2011.  However, a wide gap remained and the Government continued its effort to improve the situation.

The provisions of the Covenant were directly applicable in domestic courts, particularly in relation to the rights of individuals involved in criminal proceedings.  All international human rights instruments ratified by Indonesia were part of its domestic legislation, and the Covenant could be directly invoked or referred to by judges.  However, the direct use of the provisions of the Covenant was not yet common practice.

The Government attached great importance to gender equality and provisions had been elaborated in various legislative frameworks, covering areas such as education, employment, housing and health.  Legislation on general elections and on political parties established a 30 per cent quota for female candidates from each political party.  A bill on gender equality was under consideration and awareness raising programmes promoting gender equality were carried out.

The death penalty continued to be part of Indonesia’s legislation and a judicial review found that the practice of death penalty was in compliance with the Constitution; however, it was only applied to the most serious crimes.  Executions could only be carried out after the final decision had been taken and all other measures had been exhausted. 

Allegations of acts of torture were thoroughly investigated and duly processed in accordance with the law.  Preventive measures were in place, such as monitoring mechanisms, and in this context 176 correctional officers had received minor to severe disciplinary punishments.  Steps had been taken to prevent instances of ill-treatment of detainees, specifically during the pre-trial detention.  Suspects had the right to be accompanied by a lawyer during interrogations, which were filmed most of the time.  The reform of correctional facilities continued, including through capacity building measures for wardens and prison officials, and respect for human rights was an integral part of their standard operational procedures.

Concrete measures had also been taken to improve prisons and the living standards of inmates.  Particular attention was paid to the segregation of detainees and convicts, male and female convicts, and between adults and juveniles, within correctional facilities.  New facilities were currently being built and two supervisory mechanisms received and investigated complaints regarding cases of misconduct by police officers.  Recent data from the National Police showed that more than 36,000 cases of alleged misconduct involving police officers had been duly processed.

In 2006, the Government had issued a ban on female genital mutilation but this had led to an increase in the number of female circumcisions conducted by non-medical practitioners.  The Government had therefore issued regulations to protect women and girls from unsafe procedures, with the end goal of eliminating such practices throughout the country.

Concerning freedom of religion and belief, the delegation noted that the law on defamation of religion had been reviewed by the Constitutional Court.  The Constitutional Court had stated that the State was obliged to protect all religions and suggested that the law should be revised.   The Government was currently in the process of formulating a bill to provide a legal framework to guarantee and enhance religious tolerance. 

Questions by Experts

Experts asked whether the provisions of the Covenant were directly applicable by domestic courts and to what extent they were invoked and applied.  Did Indonesia intend to accede to the Optional Protocol to the Covenant?  Several non-governmental organizations (NGOs) had raised issues related to access to remedies for victims of human rights violations.  Were ordinary crimes committed by members of the armed forces judged by military courts?  The Committee had been told that military courts lacked independence and transparency.  What measures had been taken to implement the National Strategy on Access to Justice launched in 2009?

According to Indonesia’s report, most laws at the regional level were incompatible with national laws; what measures had been taken to ensure that national and regional laws were compatible with the Covenant?  Had the law-making process at the regional level been improved? Was the Government preventing the implementation of laws that were incompatible with Indonesia’s international obligations?  NGOs and the National Commission on Human Rights itself had identified problems in the functioning of the Commission, what was the relationship between the Commission and the State and why had there been a conflict between the Commission and the Attorney General’s Office?

Article 25 of the law on combating acts of terrorism allowed for the detention of suspects of acts of terrorism for a maximum period of six months, whereas the Criminal Code provided for a much shorter period of pre-trial detention.  Experts requested information about steps taken to grant access to prisons and detention facilities to independent monitoring bodies.  Had an independent monitoring mechanism been designated to monitor the conditions of detention, with powers to conduct unannounced visits?  What measures had been taken to respond to allegations about the widespread practice of torture and ill-treatment of detainees and poor conditions in prisons?  Experts requested data on compensation offered to victims of acts of torture and wondered if perpetrators of torture were systematically tried?

One of the Experts raised questions about the issue of non-discrimination.  It appeared that an increasing number of regional by-laws on discrimination did not respect the provisions of the Covenant, what was the Government doing in this regard? What measures had been taken to amend the 2008 pornography law, which prohibited and criminalized consensual same-sex sexual activity?  What measures had been taken to improve women’s status in the political, economic and social life of the country and what percentage of executive positions, both in the public and private sectors, were occupied by women?  Much remained to be done to reform patriarchal attitudes and deep-rooted stereotypes in society, which undervalued jobs associated with women.

What measures had been taken to investigate the excessive use of force during protests in Papua in 2011, during which several protesters were killed by the police?  What recommendations had the National Commission on Human Rights made in this regard?  Seventy extrajudicial killings had recently taken place in Papua but no perpetrators had been prosecuted.  Impunity had become a structural problem in Indonesia.  Criminal prosecutions and sanctions were appropriate measures to combat police violence and had to be implemented.  What had been the impact of the Code of Conduct for officers of correctional facilities so far and what was the mandate of the Ombudsman with regards to correction facilities?

A controversial draft bill on national security had been presented by the Government to the Parliament, would this law include an explicit reference to the relevant provisions of the Covenant?  Experts also asked for clarification concerning the availability of medical treatment in prison, what measures were being taken to prevent deaths in prison? 

Experts requested clarification regarding the declaration made by Indonesia upon its signature of the Convention concerning limitations to the right of self-determination.  What was the exact scope of the reservations?  The Covenant had to be implemented in all regions, regardless of their autonomy, and the Government was bound to ensure that all provisions of the Covenant were fully implemented, even in regions where by-laws were in contradiction with some provisions of the Covenant.

The judiciary had to be trained in order to be made fully aware of the provisions of the Covenant, which had to be interpreted in line with the Committee’s recommendations.  Did the Covenant enjoy precedence over subsequent incompatible national laws?  The National Commission on Human Rights had received a provisional “A status” because of several problems, including those related to the appointment of its members and questions regarding its budget.  What measures had been taken to ensure that the National Commission would operate according to the Paris Principles?  Experts noted that serious violations of human rights had to be investigated and that perpetrators had to be duly prosecuted.  Improving women’s access to justice was of paramount importance, especially in isolated and rural areas.

Response by the Delegation

The delegation indicated that judges did not usually use international instruments in their rulings; however, case-law showed that international instruments were at the same level as national laws.  The implementation of the Covenant at the national level was in line with recommendations made by human rights treaty bodies.  Due process was guaranteed to all victims of gross violations of human rights perpetrated by military officers in the past.  The question concerning the trial of military officers by military courts was under discussion before the Parliament and laws on military courts were presently under discussion.  All decisions made by military courts could be examined by the Supreme Court and, in addition, the proceedings of military courts were carried out in public, which enhanced their transparency. 

The province of Aceh enjoyed a special autonomy status since 2009, regulated by a special law, and in accordance with relevant national laws the promulgation of local by-laws was carried out by Aceh’s House of Representatives.  The adoption of the Islamic Criminal Law (Qanun Jinayah) in Aceh had provoked protests and concerns throughout the country, and this by-law could undergo judicial review by the Supreme Court.  The law on the special status of Aceh explicitly called on the local authorities to increase women’s participation in public life.  Women and children were protected by regional by-laws on women empowerment and child protection.  According to national laws, regional authorities had to mainstream a gender perspective in various aspects of public life.

The Attorney General’s Office had addressed three cases of gross violations of human rights; and all perpetrators had been freed by the judges given that these violations were not part of a widespread attack against civilians.  Without blaming the decisions of the court, the delegation noted that different institutions had different views on security issues.  It had been agreed that the National Commission on Human Rights would meet with the Attorney General’s Office to reconcile their views on these sensitive cases. 

Responding to a question concerning the case of an inmate who did not receive appropriate health services, the delegation said that in accordance with the law all detention facilities had to provide prisoners with the appropriate medical treatment. 

The Government was aware that the national human rights institutions had to comply with the Paris Principles and, despite the increase of its budget, the National Commission on Human Rights still faced constraints.  A number of steps had been taken to strengthen the cooperation between the National Commission and the State.  Memorandums of Understanding had been signed with the Indonesian National Police, the Armed Forces and some provincial governments, including South Sumatera, Bali, Jambi and Lampung.  Indonesia had engaged the National Commission in the process of formulating the National Human Rights Action Plan and its implementation.

Investigations, prosecutions and court hearings concerning acts of terrorism had to refer to the general procedures governed by the Criminal Procedure Code.  The law on combating acts of terrorism contained rules that protected the rights of suspects.  Preventive actions were taken to counter terrorism but police officers only used force when it was necessary.  Sanctions, including dismissal, were imposed on police officers found guilty of misconduct.  The National Police was supervised by an external body and specific regulations ensured the safety of individuals in detention facilities.  The Ombudsman could conduct unannounced visits to correctional facilities and published an annual report on the conditions of detention. 

Positive developments had been noted in relation to women’s empowerment and the political representation of women had constantly increased.  A greater number of women held senior political positions and 46 per cent of civil servants were women.  The Government worked with all relevant stakeholders to increase the participation of women in public life. 

The interpretative declaration made by Indonesia regarding Article 1 of the Covenant referred to principles of international law related to territorial integrity and the political unity of sovereign States.  Sub-national legislation that did not comply with Indonesia’s national law or international human rights obligations was a consequence of the autonomy enjoyed by local authorities.  It was stipulated that regional by-laws should not be in conflict with national legislation and had to be in line with international human rights standards.  All rulings by national courts recalled that those fundamental principles and mechanisms were in place to ensure that by-laws were in line with human rights standards.  The Government was committed to improving the compliance of regional by-laws with human rights standards, and the mainstreaming of the provisions of the Covenant in the national legislation was on-going. 

Questions by Experts

The Committee recalled that the death penalty was imposed on persons convicted of crimes related to drugs and terrorism.  While the Government had in some instances commuted death penalties into life sentences, the death penalty was systematically imposed on drug-related offenders despite the fact that these offences did not constitute serious crimes.  The death penalty was an extreme form of punishment that only had to be used for the most serious crimes, and it was therefore discriminatory to impose the death penalty on persons convicted for drug-related crimes.  The lack of transparency in the clemency process had also been noted.  Would Indonesia reconsider its clemency process to ensure that it met international human rights standards?

What concrete measures had been designed to ensure that children were not detained along with adults in correctional facilities which were overcrowded?  Did police officers receive appropriate training regarding children in conflict with the law? 

An Expert inquired about actions taken to prohibit the widespread use of corporal punishment.  What measures were being taken to repeal local legislation, such as the Aceh Criminal Code, that introduced corporal punishment for certain offences?  Was it true that legal aid was not available in Aceh?   Experts inquired about the duration of preventive detention.  Some reports indicated that accused persons could be detained for an initial period of 20 days, which could be extended to 60 days.  For how long could an individual be held in police custody?  Why had the Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force been removed two years after its establishment?  What happened to the seven judges prosecuted for bribery and what had been the concrete results of measures taken by the Government to combat corruption within the judiciary?

Although rape was criminalised, the incidence was high and courts imposed minimum sentences on persons convicted of rape.  What specific measures were being taken to ensure that sentences for rape deterred others?  What did awareness raising on this issue consist of?

Respect for freedom of religion was a fundamental test for democratic regimes.  The law on defamation of religion prohibited the expression of hostility or hatred towards religions in public; had the law been applied and what penalties had been imposed on individuals charged under this law?  The Constitutional Court did not repeal this law but recommended that it was revised, had the Government started the review process?  How was the law compatible with the provisions of the Covenant, in particular in light of the Committee’s general comment no. 34 on article 19 of the Covenant, relating to freedom of opinion and expression?  Several cases of persecution against religious minorities or non-believers had been reported to the Committee, as well as allegations of forced conversion to Islam.  What was the Government’s attitude regarding acts of intimidation against religious minorities and was the Government planning to take measures to protect religious minorities?

NGOs had reported the existence of political prisoners and acts of intimidation against human rights activists and journalists in West-Papua.  What measures had been taken to guarantee freedom of expression in this area?  Had defamation laws regarding State officials been applied in conformity with the Covenant?

Indonesia had recognized that the Ahmadiyya Muslim community was subject to specific laws and decrees that prohibited them from holding national conferences and restricted their right to assembly.  Why were there specific prohibitions imposed on specific religious minorities, in contravention to the provisions of the Covenant?  Legal provisions that targeted specific religious minorities violated the principle of non-discrimination included in article 2 of the Covenant. Some persecutions had led to the displacement of Ahmadiyya people.  What was the Government doing to prevent, reduce and punish attacks against religious minorities?  Did the rule requiring that political candidates in Aceh province read the Quran in Arabic apply to public positions at all levels?

Response by the Delegation

The Government was currently reviewing the law on defamation of religions.  Citizens had to register their religion in order to benefit from appropriate religious services and the Government had never allowed the forced conversion of individuals.  Regarding Ahmadiyya people, the issue was that the dissemination of their beliefs could cause social troubles.  The displacement of the Ahmadiyya people was temporary and as soon as the situation allowed for they would return to their region of origin.  In the meantime, their right to property was fully guaranteed and respected.  According to the National Human Rights Action Plan, regional governments, together with the Religious Harmony Forum and the regional committees for human rights, had to enhance religious harmony.  The Religious Harmony Forum gathered many religious leaders from all religions represented in Indonesia. 

Questions by Experts

Experts stressed that the problem regarding the situation of the Ahmadiyya concerned the adoption of legal texts and decrees that targeted a specific community.  The Government should review its policy towards religious minorities.  Another Expert asked if students were bound to register their religion and if they could register as non-believers.

Response by the Delegation

The Government did not perceive Ahmadiyya followers as a religious community, who defined themselves as Muslims.  As such, they were not allowed to publicly defend positions that were not in line with the commonly accepted principles of Islam.  Discussions were under way on the question of how to provide religious services to those who did not belong to the six religions recognized by the Government.  

The Constitution guaranteed freedom of expression to all citizens.  In the case of Papua, numerous protests had highlighted concerns about the situation in the region.  Freedom of expression could not be used to infringe on the rights of others.  The denial of historical facts and the defamation of State officials were not allowed.  It was crucial to maintain the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Indonesia.  The delegation mentioned several specific cases in which the prevailing laws had been applied to individuals who had participated in seditious activities.

The death penalty was still part of the Indonesian criminal system and the Constitutional Court had found it was in line with the Constitution.  The death penalty was only imposed on the most serious crimes and its implementation was limited by various safeguards: it was imposed as the last resort to the most serious crimes, such as crimes damaging the young, and it was carried out only after the verdict had a permanent legal force and after clemency had been denied by the President.  Recalling the specific case mentioned by the Committee, the delegation underlined that due process was guaranteed in all legal proceedings.  The anti-terrorism law provided for longer proceedings than in ordinary cases and this was meant to ensure that all investigations regarding security issues were carried out in an appropriate manner.  

A draft law on gender equality to strengthen the respect for gender equality principles by all State institutions, both at national and regional levels, was under consideration.  It had been included in the 2013 Legislation Programme and further consultations were needed to find a national consensus on various aspects.

The Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force had completed its task and efforts continued through the formulation of a National Strategy to Eradicate Corruption, not only in the judiciary but in all law enforcement agencies, and the National Development Agency would coordinate efforts designed to implement the strategy.  In addition, the Attorney General’s Office had undertaken several activities to combat corruption.  Between 2006 and 2013, bribery and corruption cases had resulted in the conviction of 8 judges, 5 prosecutors and 3 lawyers, and the sentences imposed in these cases ranged between 2 and 8 years of imprisonment.

New detention facilities were being built and high priority was given to building new juvenile detention centres.  Children detained in regular correctional facilities were systematically held in other buildings than those housing adult detainees and convicts.  Measures had been taken to reduce the number of detainees.  Around 50,000 convicts should be granted parole this year.  Any suspect could appeal his detention if he believed it was illegal.  A special institution addressed the acts of corruption of officials.

The delegation mentioned the case of a former civil servant who had spread religious hatred and had defamed Islam on a social media.  He was found guilty of defamation of religion according to the prevailing laws.  In the Aceh province, high ranking officials who were Muslim had to be able to read the Quran in Arabic.  Legal aid was available in the Aceh province as it was the case in all regions of the country.

Questions by Experts

Did the Constitutional Court assess the conformity of the death penalty with article 6 of the Covenant, which stated that it should only be imposed for the most serious crimes?  Article 6 of the Covenant reminded States parties that no provision of the Covenant could be invoked to delay the abolition of capital punishment.  One of the Experts said that drug crimes did not meet the threshold of serious crimes. 

Noting that few women held high level positions, an Expert asked for information on the measures taken to improve the percentage of women in positions of responsibility in the executive and in the private sector. 

Response by the Delegation

The delegation informed the Committee that Indonesia would reply in writing to the sensitive question regarding the draft law on mass organizations.

The Constitutional Court confirmed that the death penalty was not inconsistent with Indonesia’s Constitution.  The draft law on Criminal Code adopted a new approach concerning that question.  It provided that the death penalty should be a special punishment that could only be inflicted for very serious crimes.  The draft law also provided that if not executed within 10 years, a sentence of death would be commuted to a life sentence.  Drugs had provoked many social problems and that was the reason why drug-related offences were perceived as serious crimes.  In 2013, 112 persons had been sentenced to death, of which 32 were drug-offenders.

Regarding the law on pornography, some groups believed that possible different interpretations of the law could undermine the existing space for creativity in the fields of arts.  However, this law had been recognized as a useful instrument to combat pornography and child pornography.  The law had been subjected to a judicial review in 2010 and the Constitutional Court decided that it was neither unconstitutional nor discriminatory.  Nevertheless, the Constitutional Court referred the law to Parliament for further review in light of the views expressed by various groups.

Questions by Experts

An Expert asked if there was a legal provision that prevented the imposition of the death penalty on mentally-ill persons.  What was the minimum age of criminal responsibility and what was the legal definition of the child?  Could a child under 18 be executed?

Response by the Delegation

A specific provision of the Criminal Code regulated the prosecution and execution of mentally-ill persons who were usually not brought before criminal courts.  The age of criminal responsibility was recently raised from 8 to 12.  Children under 18 could not be executed and detention was applied as a last resort to children in conflict with the law.

Questions by Experts

What had been the impact of the measures taken to combat domestic violence and to ensure women’s access to justice?  What was the definition of domestic violence in legislation?  The World Health Organization passed in 2008 a resolution calling all Member States to strictly prohibit female genital mutilation.  What steps were taken in this regard and what progress had been made so far?  What legal mechanisms were available to women victims of rape?

In light of the increase of the age of criminal responsibility, what was being done for those who had been convicted under the previous regime?  What constituted last resort to decide the detention of a child? How long could a suspect be detained in police custody? 

What steps had been taken in order to solve the problem of human trafficking?  What specific measures had been taken to put an end to sex tourism?  What was the role of the local authorities in this context? 

An Expert underlined that the Government had to protect the followers of Ahmadiyya as members of a religious minority.  What was the present status of the draft law on the recognition and protection of traditional communities?

What had been put in place to monitor the return and resettlement of internally displaced persons and to implement the 2007 law on disaster management?  It was noted that the problem continued in spite of the efforts deployed by the Government in this regard.  What was the Government doing to resettle displaced people and to ensure that they enjoyed their right to live in dignity?  According to Indonesia’s report, people affected by forced evictions conducted for public interest were offered alternate housing and compensation.  What was the actual procedure regarding forced evictions?

An Expert inquired about the existence of polygamy.  Why was there a difference between the age of sexual consent, set at 12, and the minimum age of marriage, set at 16 for women and 19 for men?  Why was the minimum age of marriage different between men and women?  Were women and men on an equal foot in matters related to inheritance?  What was the legal status of children born out of wedlock?

Response of the Delegation

A series of programmes were carried out to raise general public awareness on the issue of domestic violence.  Law enforcers were provided with specific training on how to handle domestic violence cases.  The law on domestic violence explicitly criminalized acts of violence against women and children and defined domestic violence as every act which inflicted harm.  Integrated service units for the protection of children and women were established in many public hospitals.  The implementation of the law was undertaken in cooperation with various stakeholders.  Health services, social rehabilitation and reintegration, as well as legal aid, were provided to victims of domestic violence.    

The Government had been undertaking several efforts aimed at combating the existing practice of female circumcision in Indonesia.  The Ministry of Health had issued a regulation to ensure safe procedures for female circumcision.  That regulation should not be construed as promoting female circumcision; its only aim was to ensure that female circumcision was done in a safe environment and without danger for the girls’ health.  A dialogue had been undertaken with various sectors of the society on that issue with a view to its eradication.  Female circumcision was usually carried out on baby girls and had no impact on the life of the baby child.  It was far away from female genital mutilation.  However, the Government was committed to combat and eradicate that practice.

All law enforcement officers received training on the issue of children in conflict with the law.  A law on that issue would enter into force next year.  Indonesia had ratified the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and implemented its provisions.  A law on the eradication of trafficking in persons provided a complete set of instruments in combating trafficking in persons, including preventive and repressive measures, as well as treatment and services for victims.  However, a number of challenges in the implementation of the law were identified, including insufficient comprehensive understanding on the laws and regulations relating to trafficking in persons by the authorities in charge of these tasks.  A National Action Plan was implemented to combat human trafficking.

A task-force was created to monitor the implementation of the National Action Plan to combat human trafficking.  At the regional level, Indonesia cooperated with ASEAN Member States.  The establishment of a regional instrument on that issue was under consideration.  According to the National Police, the number of victims of human trafficking amounted to 205 in 2011 and 192 in 2012.  The number of trafficking cases had continued to decrease since 2011, which showed the effectiveness of the efforts in preventing and combating trafficking.  The Government of Indonesia, in cooperation with international organizations, provided training and capacity building for law enforcement officers on how to investigate and prosecute human trafficking.  A victim-based approach was adopted in law enforcement efforts.  Victims of trafficking were entitled to medical and social rehabilitation, repatriation and social reintegration.

Indonesia had been undertaking efforts to combat and put an end to the phenomenon of sexual exploitation and child labour.  Various measures and concrete efforts had been taken by the Ministry for Women Empowerment and Child Protection.  A policy of zero tolerance for child sex tourism was launched in 2003 by the Ministry.  The Ministry had undertaken awareness raising programmes on sexually exploited children for the local government agencies.  The Ministry of Health had conducted capacity building programmes on violence against women and children for medical officers, aimed at providing appropriate services to victims of violence, including sexually exploited children.

A suspect could be detained in police custody for a maximum of 60 days and could be accompanied by a legal adviser in all proceedings.  The State had the responsibility to provide legal aid.  The lawyer only acted as a legal adviser and had no role in the questioning.  A law on legal aid had been adopted and provided that the State had the obligation to provide legal aid for suspects facing legal sanctions above five years.  But it was up to the suspect to accept it or not. 

The law on juvenile justice provided special protection and measures of social reintegration for children in conflict with the law.  The deprivation of liberty of children in conflict with the law was the last resort, which was to say if the judge could not find any one or any organizations that could take care of the child and if he had committed serious crimes.

The law on marriage was reviewed by Governmental agencies in cooperation with civil society organizations.  The provision on the age of marriage was under revision to ensure the principles of equality and non-discrimination between men and women in this regard.

Concluding Remarks

HARKRISTUTI HARKRISNOWO, Deputy-Minister for Human Rights, Ministry of Law and Human Rights of Indonesia, thanked the Committee Experts for the constructive dialogue, which created a momentum in Indonesia to discuss the concrete implementation of the provisions of the Covenant.  The views of the Committee Experts would be shared with all relevant Governmental agencies.  Indonesia looked forward to the conclusions and recommendations of the Committee, which would help Indonesia in the implementation of its obligations under the Covenant.

NIGEL RODLEY, Chairperson of the Committee, said that the presentation of the initial report of Indonesia was an important moment for the Committee.  He noted that Indonesia was undergoing a process of democratic transition.  It was troubling that the practice of the death penalty had been resumed for drug-related crimes.  Mr. Rodley underlined that the time spent in police custody should not be more than two days.  The issue of the special dispensation for corporal punishment in Aceh was troubling.  Regional autonomy should not be used to justify practices that did not respect human rights standards.  The Committee looked forward to the review of the law on the defamation of religion to ensure freedom of religion.  He thanked the delegation for its constructive participation in the dialogue with the Committee.



For use of the information media; not an official record

1) 17 dead, 38 injured in boxing match stampede in Indonesia's Papua province

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1) 17 dead, 38 injured in boxing match stampede in Indonesia's Papua province

2) Nabire Clash Victims' Families Criticize Police Response
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http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-07-15/17-dead-in-indonesian-boxing-match-stampede3a-police/4820856

1) 17 dead, 38 injured in boxing match stampede in Indonesia's Papua province

Posted 4 hours 15 minutes ago
A stampede at a boxing match in Indonesia's restive Papua province has left at least 17 dead and another 38 in a critical condition, a local police spokesman said.
Police say the incident at the Kota Lama Sports Stadium in Nabire occurred after supporters of a losing boxer attacked opposing fans.
Most of the victims were women trampled in the stampede.
Papua police spokesman Gede Sumerta Jaya told reporters that the bout began at 11pm Sunday night and the incident took place early this morning.
"Seventeen people died in the crush, 12 of whom were women, and another 38 were injured and have been hospitalised for treatment," he said.
Mr Jaya said 1,500 people had gathered to watch the match.
"Everyone else made a quick dash for the exit in fear the violence would get out of control, and dozens of people were trampled on," he said.
In 2011, two people were killed in a stampede when thousands of fans jammed a Jakarta stadium for the Southeast Asian Games football final between the home nation and rival Malaysia.
AFP/Kyodo
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http://en.tempo.co/read/news/2013/07/15/055496534/Nabire-Clash-Victims-Families-Criticize-Police-Response
MONDAY, 15 JULY, 2013 | 13:59 WIB
2) Nabire Clash Victims' Families Criticize Police Response  
TEMPO.COJakarta - The families of Nabire clash victims in Papua, regrets the inability of the police to quickly anticipate the outbreak. The clash claimed the lives of 18 during the Bupati Nabire Cup boxing tournament at Kota Lama Nabire Sport Stadium, Papua, on Sunday, July 14, 2013.
"We are baffled by this event. Where were the police at that time? Why did they allow those people to fight and kill each other?" Yance Tagii, deputy head of Dogiyai Regency Legislative Council's wondered in anger, on Monday, July 15, 2013.
One of his family members, Yuliana Magai, 45 years old, died in the incident. "She was trampled to death when she was about to exit the sport stadium's door. We demand the police and Nabire government to take responsibility," he said. Yuliana's body now rests at a funeral home on Kusuma Bangsa street, Nabire.
Yance urged the police to immediately capture the perpetrators that triggered the fight and punish them with a proportionate punishment. "Not only one or two died in the clash, but many," he said.
Nabire Regency Resort Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Bahara Marpaung stated that his people are still investigating the deadly clash in the Kota Lama Nabire Sport Stadium. He extended his deepest condolences over the death of the victims. "We promise we will investigate this case thoroughly," he said.
JERRY OMONA

1) Rallies held in Semarang and Yogyakarta

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1) Rallies held in  Semarang and Yogyakarta
2) Foreign Journalists Find Access To Indonesia's Papua Difficult
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1) Rallies held in  Semarang and Yogyakarta

Candlelit protest  to remember  abuses in Wasior and Wamena. 

The action was in memory of the victims of the human rights violations that took place in Wasior and Wamena, West Papua, in 2001 and 2003.


Dozens of Youth and Students who are members of the National Papua Solidarity  hold a candlelit in front of the Diponegoro University campus, Semarang on Sunday (14/07/2013). Photo: PY


Dozens of  Students who are members of the National Papua  Solidarity  held a candlelit protest  in front of the Diponegoro University campus on Sunday 14 July to commemorate the human rights abuses that occurred in  Wasior and Wamena. The action was in memory of the victims of the human rights violations that took place in Wasior and Wamena, West Papua, in 2001 and 2003.


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Papua | Politics, Law & Ham
Commemorating 44 Years PEPERA, AMP Padati UGM roundabout
Author: STEP MAGAZINE | Monday, July 15, 2013 18:18






Papuan woman were speeches from UGM roundabout, in front of the mass action. Photo: Bastian.

Yogyakarta, STEP MAGAZINE - Hundreds of students from the   Papua Student Alliance (AMP) held a peaceful protest in Yogyakarta on the 15 July. The rally was to protest the so called act of free choice  of 1969. The protestors called for the right to self-determination and the closer of multi national corporations 
First, AMP demanding to be given the freedom and right of self-determination as a democratic solution to the people of Papua.

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2) Foreign Journalists Find Access To Indonesia's Papua Difficult

JAYAPURA (Papua, Indonesia), July 15 (Bernama) -- The Papua branch of the Indonesian Independent Journalists Alliance (AJI) has said foreign journalists have found difficulties in getting permit to perform their journalistic duties in Papua.

 

Chairman of the Papua branch of AJI Victor Mambor said here on Monday foreign journalists such as from New Zealand, the Netherlands, Britain and Australia had to wait for three months to get the permit to enter Papua.

 

"Even after they get into Papua some of them have to be accompanied by a government agent in doing their journalistic duty," Victor told Indonesia's Antara news agency.
Victor said AJI criticised the restriction saying the government is not clear in its policy regarding freedom of the press in Papua.
"So far there has been no government regulation restricting foreign journalists from doing journalistic work in Papua," he said.
However, foreign journalists have complained they had been restricted by making it difficult for them to get the permit to enter Papua, he said.
He said the government had deliberately created a condition of no clear regulation that the authorities could interpreted it any way they wanted.
Such policy could degrade the Indonesian rating in the World`s Press Freedom Index, he said.
"AJI has not seen positive reaction from the government to demand of international community for greater access by foreign journalists to Papua," he added.
He cited in 2012, Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa told foreign journalists in Jakarta, there were 35 foreign journalists having given access to Papua in 2011-2012.
However, the journalists were not given freedom to perform their duties in Papua, he said.
"Seven of the foreign journalists were deported from Papua and most recently an ABC reporter had to be disguised as tourist to enter Papua," he said.
Victor said Marty pledged to see to the case of journalists being barred from entering Papua, but foreign journalists had continued to face restrictions.-- BERNAMA

1) Calls for Indonesia to lift foreign media ban in Papua

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1) Calls for Indonesia to lift foreign media ban in Papua

2) Nabire boxing riot show sportsmanship not yet observed

3) Police questioning witnesses over Nabire stampede

4) Merpati flight experienced engine failure in Sentani


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http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/international/radio/program/connect-asia/calls-for-indonesia-to-lift-foreign-media-ban-in-papua/1162040

1) Calls for Indonesia to lift foreign media ban in Papua

Updated 16 July 2013, 14:56 AEST
Indonesia's Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa says he believes foreign journalists should be allowed to report from the country's troubled Papua provinces.
International media are effectively banned from reporting freely within Papua, where separatist groups have been waging a struggle for independence for about 50 years.
Mr Natalegawa says lifting restrictions on foreign media could improve the Australian public's perception of the conflict, but he says it will take time to gain enough political support for the move.
The Indonesian Independent Journalists Alliance says unless there is a policy shift, Indonesia could see its ranking on the World Press Freedom Index fall significantly.
Presenter: Richard Ewart
Speaker: Victor Mambor, chairman of the Papua branch of the Indonesian Independent Journalists Alliance in Jayapura
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http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/89859/nabire-boxing-riot-show-sportsmanship-not-yet-observed

2) Nabire boxing riot show sportsmanship not yet observed

Mon, July 15 2013 19:49 | 235 Views
Jakarta (ANTARA News) - The boxing riot that killed 18 on Sunday night in Nabire District, Papua Province, shows that Indonesian people are not ready to accept defeat, People`s Consultative Assembly (MPR) Deputy Chairman Hajriyanto Y Thohari said here on Monday.

"The riot shows that people`s sportsmanship is still weak," he said.

Thohari said rioting by a losing group did not only occur in Nabire, Papua or in a boxing match but it may also happen anywhere.

He said the incident may also occur in other events including in a political stage, such as local elections.

"In local elections, it has often occurred the losing side who could not accept their defeat provoked supporters to create unrest," he said.

He said awareness of sportsmanship can not be achieved instantly but it must be developed from an early age and continuously at home in schools and the community.

Meanwhile, the National Police spokesperson Insp. Gen. Ronny F. Sompie said that the riot in Nabire was triggered by supporters` discontent following the defeat of their boxer.

"A riot in Nabire Sport Stadium occurred after a match between Mawa Boxing Gym`s Yulianus Pigome and Persada Boxing Gym`s Alpius Komkone in the sixth day of the event," he said here on Monday.

Sompie said Pigome`s supporters could not accept the defeat of their idol and then one of them threw a chair at the referee and to the direction of spectators triggering the riot.

He said the situation was also compounded by overcapacity as the number of spectators reached 1,500 while the stadium is actually only able to accommodate 800 people.

"The riot has made spectators to scramble out of the stadium causing a stampede," he said.(*)
Editor: Heru
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http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/89850/police-questioning-witnesses-over-nabire-stampede

3) Police questioning witnesses over Nabire stampede

Mon, July 15 2013 19:02 | 171 Views

Jakarta (ANTARA News) - Police began questioning witnesses in connection with a stampede that left 18 people dead during a boxing match event on Sunday in Nabire in the eastern province of Papua.

"Eleven witnesses are still being questioned. The Papua regional police command`s chief has been in Nabire and since 12.00 hours the situation has been controlled," National Police chief General Timur Pradopo said here on Monday.

He said the stampede occurred as people tried to leave the building after clashes broke out between the winning and losing supporters.

"They died after being trampled on as exits were not sufficient," he said, adding the number of exit gates was only two.

He said around 250 security personnel consisting of 100 from the military and 150 from the police had been deployed to assure security of the event.

"We would certainly conduct an audit on it. The regional police command`s chief has now been on the scene and reinforcements have also been deployed consisting of 300 from the military and 300 from the police," he said.

Chief security minister Djoko Suyanto said the government was very concerned over the incident and he had asked the regional police command`s chief to anticipate possible developments of the incident.

He said until Monday situation in Nabire remained good and no other incidents had occurred.

"Evaluation will certainly be done. An event always needs a permit from both the police and the administration," he added.(*)
Editor: Heru
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http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/89848/merpati-flight-experienced-engine-failure-in-sentani

4) Merpati flight experienced engine failure in Sentani

Mon, July 15 2013 16:24 | 122 Views

Sentani, Jayapura, Papua (ANTARA News) - Engine failure forced Merpati Airlines aircraft to cancel its flight to Jakarta and Surabaya on Monday and hundreds of its passengers to be accommodated at hotels at Sentani, Jayapura.

One of the passengers heading for Surabaya Wahyudi said that he and other passengers are now staying in a hotel in Sentani at thje expense of the airline company.

"We were scheduled to depart at 11.00 (GMT+9) from the Sentani airport, but before we boarded the plane, we were informed that the flight was cancelled," he said in his hotel. 

Wahyudi said that he is scheduled to be flown next morning on July 16 but has been given no information about the exact time of departure. 

"What is certain is that our accommodation and lunch are provided by the airline," he said.

Wahyudi said that the flight to Surabaya would pass pass Makasar in Sulawesi.

Wahyudi was scheduled to board the Merpati Airlines MZ767 heading for Jayapura (DJJ) - (SUB) at 11.00 local time, but by 13.00 the passengers were not yet instructed to board the plane. 

Besides the Jayapura-Surabaya flight, other Merpati flight route of Jayapura-Jakarta with a transit in Timika was also canceled due to an engine failure. In fact the plane already took off but had to land immediately back because one of the engine failed to function.

Until now, the Merpati Airlines has not yet informed about the cancellation of the two flights.
Editor: Suryanto

1) Conspiracy Theories Swirl as Papua Officials Push for Boxing Riot Investigation

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1) Conspiracy Theories Swirl as Papua Officials Push for Boxing Riot Investigation
2) Papua police urge quick  burial for Nabire riot  casualties
3) Two Nabire incident victims  sent to Jayapura for further  treatment
4) Blame game starts in Papua  following deadly boxing  riot
5) Sydney University Awards Marty Degree
6) Nabire Riot Victims Receive Rp20 M Compensation

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http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/papua-official-claims-deadly-boxing-riot-was-staged/

1) Conspiracy Theories Swirl as Papua Officials Push for Boxing Riot Investigation


Papua officials will launch an investigation into claims that Sunday’s boxing match stampede in Nabire district was “staged” as police continued a separate probe into the deadly riot, questioning 13 witnesses amid claims of negligence aimed at the boxing promoter, local police and public officials.
Nearly 1,500 spectators stormed out of Nabire’s Kotalama Stadium during a riot following a match between Alvius Rumkorem, of the Persada boxing club, and Yulius Pigome, of the Mawa boxing club. The packed stadium reportedly had three exits, but only one was unlocked when the scene turned chaotic. The stampede left 17 people — mostly women — dead and injured 34 others.
Papua Legislative Council member Ruben Magai accused unknown persons of planning the riot, pointing to allegations that one of the deceased was electrocuted when he grabbed the handle of a locked exit. The council, and Papua Governor Lukas Enembe, plan to form an independent team of journalists, public officials and nongovernment organizations to investigate the claim.
“There are indications that the [incident] had been orchestrated or staged,” Ruben said. “We hope police will immediately reveal teh perpetrators and take legal action against them. We hope the police dare to reveal the perpetrators.”
Commission secretary Julius Miagoni demanded the Nabire district head be held responsible for packing the stadium past capacity. The event was held by the Bupati Nabire Cup and reportedly organized by local public officials.
“He was the one telling the [boxing competition] committee not to ask for entrance fees, which resulted in the overcrowded situation, exceeding [the stadium’s] capacity,” Julius said.
The stampede left 22 people in Nabire Hospital with serious injuries. Two victims transported to a hospital in Jayapura on Tuesday were listed in critical condition, hospital officials said.
In Jakarta, the National Police said officers in Papua had interviewed 13 witnesses, but had yet to declare a suspect. Papua Police will also conduct an investigation into the Nabire Police for their role in issuing a permit for the event, National Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Agus Rianto said.
“Papua Police keep evaluating the case and are involving related elements like the Indonesian Military, the local administration and the steering committee [of the boxing competition] in their investigation into the case,” Agus said.
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2) Papua police urge quick  burial for Nabire riot  casualties

Papua police are suggesting that Nabire Regency officials and traditional leaders immediately bury the remains of the 17 people who were killed in a stampede at the Regent's Cup boxing competition on Sunday.
Police office spokesperson Sr. Comr. I Gede Sumerta said as quoted by Tribunnews.com on Tuesday that the suggestion was made because "they usually hold funeral processions, which could result in further incidents."
Gede continued that the police had asked the local government to contribute between Rp 15 million (US$1,500) and Rp 20 million to each of the 17 victims' families.
"This is truly not a tribal clash," he said. "However, the contribution is needed just for cooling down the situation."
Gede said that 11 of the deceased were female and six, one of them a juvenile, were male.
Police are currently questioning members of the event executive committee, ticket booth officer and boxing team supporters to determine who triggered the riot.
"We also probably will ask for an explanation from the Regent who allegedly permitted the spectators to enter the building without paying, which caused overcrowding," he said. The Kota Lama sport hall that was packed by 1,500 spectators, far exceeding of its capacity of 500 people.
The amateur boxing tournament in Nabire turned ugly on Sunday evening after the supporters of the losing boxer, Yulianus Pigome from Mawa Gym, ran amok against the supporters of the winning boxer, Alvius Rumkorem from Persada Gym.
When the clashing supporters began throwing chairs, the spectators tried to fled the sports hall, but there were only two exits. (fan)
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3) Two Nabire incident victims  sent to Jayapura for further  treatment
Nethy Dharma Somba, The Jakarta Post, Jayapura | Archipelago | Tue, July 16 2013, 7:00 PM
Two Nabire stampeded victims, namely Makarina Tekege and Rena Lasol, have been airlifted to Jayapura for further treatment. They both remain in a critical condition despite undergoing treatment at Nabire General Hospital since Sunday night.

“We decided to send them to Jayapura because their condition remains critical,” Nabire General Hospital director Dr Jhoni said on Tuesday.

He said 34 patients were sent to the hospital immediately after the incident. After a few hours of treatment, 10 people were allowed to go home and 22 others were admitted, while the two abovementioned patients were sent to Jayapura General Hospital.

Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Tito Karnavian has remained in Nabire to ensure there is no further rioting.

Seventeen people, most of them women, were trampled to death when they attempted to leave Kota Lama Sports Stadium after a boxing match turned ugly on Sunday evening. All the dead have been buried in their respective villages.(dic)
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4) Blame game starts in Papua  following deadly boxing  riot

As the National Police revised downward the number of victims in the Sunday night stampede to 17 from 18, the blame game has started over who is responsible for the riot that began during a boxing championship in Papua’s Nabire regency. 

Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto on Monday ordered a thorough investigation into the deadly stampede, which was prompted by a riot that broke out after spectators protested the match’s decision. 

Djoko, however, implied that the organizer of the match could be blamed for failing to provide an appropriate venue. 

“It is sad that spectators struggled to get out because only one exit door was opened. This should be a lesson for event organizers, not only those who arrange sporting events,” Djoko told reporters at the State Palace on Monday.

The riot broke out inside Kota Lama Sports Stadium on Sunday evening after supporters of the opposing boxers clashed due to a scoring discrepancy.

The victims — 11 of them women — were trampled to death as about 1,500 spectators scrambled out of the overcrowded stadium to escape the riot that broke out just before midnight on Sunday. 

Kota Lama Sport Stadium had a maximum capacity of 500 to 600 people, he said. 

Police said it had only two working exits.

A total of 84 boxers participated in the Bupati (Regent) Cup Championships that commenced on July 9 in the Papua province town of Nabire, Youth and Sports Minister Roy Suryo said.

The riot occurred after the final match of the 58-kilogram (128-pound) division between Alvius Rumkorem and Yulianus Pigome, who were said to be from different tribes, Roy said.

Points awarded by a panel of judges to Rumkorem triggered protests from Pigome supporters, he said.

The losing boxer’s supporters threw chairs at the judges and the winner’s supporters responded by throwing bottles and broken chairs, igniting spectator panic, the Associated Press reported.

National Police spokesperson Insp. Gen. Ronny F. Sompie said that nine of the 39 injured victims currently being treated at Nabire Regional Hospital were children.

Indonesian Amateur Boxing Committee chairman (PP Pertina) Reza Ali blamed the incident on the overcrowded stadium. 

“Spectators flooded the stadium because Nabire Regent Isaias Douw told organizers to give away free tickets,” Reza said.

Following the incident, Isaias pledged that he would compensate victims.

Papua Police spokesperson Sr. Comr. I Gede Sumerta said Isias pledged to give Rp 20 million (US$2000) to the family of each person killed in the incident. 

“Those who sustained injuries will get free hospital treatment,” Gede said in Jayapura.

Meanwhile, Papua Pertina official Carol Renwari suspected that drunk spectators incited the riot.

As of Monday evening, the Nabire Police have questioned 12 witnesses, consisting of seven spectators and five officials from the boxing match’s organizers.

Security in Nabire returned to normal on Monday, with 1,250 police officers and soldiers deployed to secure government offices and other public facilities.

Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Tito Karnavian visited Nabire, which is located on Cendrawasih Bay on the north coast of Papua with a population of around 170,000.

Indonesian Police Watch (IPW) issued a statement on Monday calling for Tito to resign from his post for failing to improve security conditions in the region.

IPW chairman Neta Pane said there had been too many incidents of violence under Tito’s watch, most of which had gone unresolved.

“In light of recent events, it is clear that it’s time for the Papua Police to be evaluated,” Neta said.
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5) Sydney University Awards Marty Degree



Sydney-based Macquarie University on Monday awarded Indonesian Foreign Affairs Minister Marty Natalegawa an honorary doctorate degree in international relations during a ceremony at the university.
The award, which was also given to Australian Foreign Minister Bob Carr, was granted by chancellor of the university Michael Egan to acknowledge their achievements and contributions to international relations and their efforts in ensuring harmony in the region.
During his acceptance speech, Marty said that although the degree had been awarded to him as an individual, it also acknowledged Indonesia’s seriousness and sincerity in endorsing international peace and prosperity.
Marty also called the award a product of the special bilateral ties between Indonesia and Australia.
“[Indonesia and Australia’s relationship is] a friendship that continues to grow stronger, with the two countries helping and supporting one another in facing various natural disasters, acts of terrorism and several other challenges. The two countries have together transformed divisive challenges into those that instead unite,” Marty said.
He also took the opportunity to propose three main approaches with which the two countries could succeed in facing ongoing challenges in the region.
“First, we have to change the ‘trust deficit’ into a strategic partnership. Second, we should strengthen our commitment in resolving disputes peacefully,” he said.
As a third point, he added that the current geopolitical shift and changes have created a new paradigm in the field of international relations and he stressed the importance of an Asia-Pacific or Indo-Pacific treaty.
He said the treaty should be “similar to the Friendship and Partnership Treaty in Southeast Asia, which is legally very instrumental in the region’s evolution into a peaceful region which is today going into the direction of becoming a community.”
From 1995 to 2005, Carr served as premier of New South Wales state at the same time that Egan was state treasurer.

1) Britain reaffirms recognition of Papua as part of Indonesia

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1) Britain reaffirms recognition of Papua as part of Indonesia

2) Students walk a rough road to secondary education in Papua province, Indonesia

3) Rights Groups Slam Continued Use of Force, Impunity in Papua

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http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/89893/britain-reaffirms-recognition-of-papua-as-part-of-indonesia

1) Britain reaffirms recognition of Papua as part of Indonesia

Wed, July 17 2013 11:50 | 73 Views
Jayapura, Papua (ANTARA News) - Britain still recognizes Papua as an integral part Indonesia, a British diplomat said.


"We are here this time on a working visit to the Cendrawasih Regional Military Command," Millie Mc Devitt, Second Secretary in Political Section of the British Embassy, said in a news release issued here on Wednesday. 

McDevitt and a group of other officials of the British embassy in Jakarta met with the regional military commander Maj. Gen. Christian Zebua and other regional military officials in this provincial city. 

Zebua told the group that security situation in Papua is favorable, saying in general the situation is stable.

"There is a small group (of local people) having different perception of independence, but we do not see them as enemies. They are compatriots who happen to have different view of democracy," he said. 

He acknowledged that stability in the region is attributable not only to the military or police but also to big role played by religious and community leaders and other government officials.

The military in carrying out it duty in the field gives priority to territorial development, he said.

"Currently we are cooperating with all components to create a conducive security," he added. 

The regional military command is involved in various social activities such as in health care, teaching, farming,livestock raising and fishery to improve the welfare of the people, he said. 

"Papua is currently is developing civil order with the military assisting the regional administration and police to accelerate regional development and to maintain public order," he said. 

Indonesia had been angered by a British official attending a ceremony opening a Papua separatist representative office in that country recently.
(Uu.H-ASG/F001)
Editor: Priyambodo RH
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http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/indonesia_69840.html

2) Students walk a rough road to secondary education in Papua province, Indonesia

© UNICEF Indonesia/2013/Klaus
Markus, 18, and his housemates pose outside their honai, a big traditional hut that serves as a boarding home for 50 adolescents and young adults who attend classes or training during the day.
By Michael Klaus
In a part of Indonesia in which the only way for children to attend secondary school is to leave home and live in large boarding homes, UNICEF, NGOs and the provincial government focus on youth like Markus in their programmes – and include them in their planning. 
MEGAPURA, Papua province, Indonesia, 16 July 2013 – It has been four years since Markus last saw his parents, and it will be at least one more before he can go back to his village, Kalbok. But he knows he would not be in school today had he stayed home.
Eighteen-year-old Markus is in Grade 12. He has grown a lot during these four years. He is now the leader of his honai in Megapura. A honai is a big traditional hut that serves as a boarding home for 50 adolescents and young adults. They all attend either a secondary school or a professional training institution in nearby Wamena, in the heart of Papua province in Indonesia’s Far East.
Highland districts
According to Chief of the UNICEF Field Office that covers both Papua and West Papua Margaret Sheehan, “The Highland districts in Papua have the worst child indicators of the whole country.” In Jayawijaya district, for example, more than 120 out of every 1,000 children die in their first five years of life, more than three times the national average. Only a third of the population has access to safe drinking water, and less than one in four people can use a latrine.
Half of all young people are married before reaching 18 years of age. “We increasingly focus on adolescents in our work,” explains Ms. Sheehan. “And, wherever possible, we aim to involve young people like Markus directly in the development of programmes.”
Leaving home – and creating a home
Leaving their native villages remains the only option for most adolescents in this poor mountainous region to get into secondary school. In their new homes, like the one in Megapura, the ethnic groups often stay together and share one common honai. Leaders like Markus, who has been elected by the group, play a key role in transmitting the traditional values of their villages and ethnic groups, establishing and enforcing rules, ensuring that sick members see a doctor and negotiating with other honais, in cases of conflict.
© UNICEF Indonesia/2013/Klaus
Markus left his village at the age of 14 to enroll in secondary school - the only option available for most adolescents in this area to attend secondary school. He is now leader of his honai.
“We hardly ever have problems with our neighbors in the other honais,” Markus says. “And, if that happens, it usually has to do with money that needs to be paid back.”
Life is far from easy in these boarding homes. There are no latrines, and the young people use the nearby river for their personal hygiene. The older boys work as rickshaw drivers in Wamena. “They earn the money for our food,” Markus explains. “We eat once a day, in the evening. Whoever comes late has to wait until the next evening. That helps – usually all are here on time.”
Awareness-raising in the honai
The NGO Yasumat, which stands for Social Foundation for Isolated People, supports the young people by providing health education and running discussion groups on life choices and HIV in the boarding homes.
Talking about reproductive health and safe sex is not easy in this very conservative region, but, nonetheless, it is necessary. Unlike the rest of the country, HIV has become a generalized epidemic in Papua and West Papua, having spread beyond high-risk groups, and young people are particularly affected. The prevalence among 15- to 24-year-olds stands at 3 per cent. In a knowledge, attitude and practices (KAP) study on adolescents conducted in Papua in 2011, less than 10 per cent of those aged 10 to 18 had a comprehensive knowledge of HIV required to adopt preventive and protective behaviours.
Comprehensive youth policy
The risk of HIV infection is only one of the many problems children and adolescents in this region face. In 2012, when UNICEF and the provincial governments conducted an assessment of youth policies and programmes in Papua and West Papua, young people were invited to speak about the many challenges they are facing in the areas of health, education, employment and protection.
Based on the findings of the study and responding to UNICEF advocacy, on 25 June, at a high-level event in provincial capital Manokwari, the government of West Papua committed itself to develop a comprehensive youth policy – the first of its kind in Indonesia.
“The West Papua government is leading the way towards a coordinated and comprehensive approach for young people,” said UNICEF Representative Angela Kearney during the event. “Young people need to be involved when it comes to developing the details of this policy. We at UNICEF stand ready to also assist Papua province and other provinces in following suit and developing their own youth policy.”



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http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/rights-groups-slam-continued-use-of-force-impunity-in-papua/

3) Rights Groups Slam Continued Use of Force, Impunity in Papua


Indonesian and international human rights groups have called questioned Jakarta’s commitment to finding a peaceful resolution to the decades-long insurgency in Papua, following a discussion on the issue at the United Nations.
In a joint statement released on Monday, the groups noted that the review by the UN Human Rights Committee from July 10-11 of Indonesia’s obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights had highlighted the ongoing violence in Papua and excessive use of force by government security forces.
“Since there is no effective mechanism available to hold military members accountable, the committee sees re-occurrences of such violations as likely until Indonesia takes measures to develop effective complaint procedures,” the statement said.
“The committee referred to the high number of extrajudicial killings that have occurred in Papua over the last two years and deplored the use of violence in dispersing peaceful protests in Papua.”
The statement was issued by Franciscans International, Human Rights and Peace for Papua, Imparsial, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) and Tapol, among others.
“The discussion about Papua at the UN Human Rights Committee shows that ongoing human rights violations in Papua continue to be a key concern for the international community,” said Poengky Indarti from Imparsial.
The groups also denounced what they called the Indonesian delegation’s false claims about the openness of military tribunals for those involved in rights abuses.
The statement described Indria Fernida from London-based Tapol as being shocked to notice the “level of denial of institutional shortcomings that prolong the culture of impunity in Indonesia.”
“Victims are disappointed about the failure of Human Rights Courts in Papua and badly need an effective complaint mechanism for violations perpetrated by the military,” she said.
The rights groups also said that while the Indonesian delegation claimed to the committee that local media in Papua were free to publish any news, “cases of intimidation, threats and violence against local journalists in Papua continue.”
“In recent years, the international community had to witness the extrajudicial killing of journalist Ardiansyah Matrais and the violent attack against journalist Banjir Ambarita,” the statement said.
Banjir is a contributor for the Jakarta Globe, who was stabbed by unknown perpetrators in March 2011 shortly after reporting on the sexual abuse of a female detainee by local police. No one has ever been arrested over the stabbing.
Concerns were also raised about the delegation’s insistence that expressions of Papuan secession would continue to warrant criminal charges, which Budi Tjahjono from Franciscans International warned “implies a prolongation of the detrimental security approach in Papua.”
The UN committee is expected to publish its concluding observations and recommendations by the end of this month.

Report about the visit of an Indonesian naval officer to Papua

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From Tapol


The following report was received from the Executive-Director of LP3BH, Yan Christian Warinussy

Monday 15 July 2013

At 11am, someone came to see me who said that he wanted to meet an official of Belantara Papua (This could be translated as the 'Papuan Jungle') He was riding on a motorbike  which he parked in front of the office. Because the front door was closed, he went to the back of the house and opened a side door and shouted: 'There's someone here who wants to meet you.'

When this person entered the office, I was in  a room which is where children play together (singing and painting) When I heard my son calling,  I went up to him together with the visitor who was now standing in the kitchen. When the fellow greeted me, I responded to his greetings. I asked him who he wanted to see. He said that he had come from the naval base in Sorong and wanted to meet some officials from Belantara Papua.

I asked him to leave the kitchen  and enter the house through the front door, whereupon he  left the kitchen and went to the front door. I had meanwhile gone into the main room in the office and invited him to enter.

We shook hands and I asked him to sit down.

When I asked him where he was from, he said: 'I am a member of the Indonesian Navy in Sorong.and I want to meet someone from  the executive of Belantara Papua.'

When I asked him what he wanted, he said that he was hoping to meet someone from Belantara Papua and was hoping that it would be possible for us to work together.

Then he went on to say the following:

'I know about Balantara from the Internet and I have been looking for its address for almost two weeks'

He then explained at great length how it was that he had met people an international organisation (CI) in Raja Ampat and found out about its programme (Christian Thebu) He met the chairman of a civil society organisation (LMA Malamoi Silas Kalami) and had also met Ferdiel from Yayasan Penyu Papua.

I asked him how long he had been working in Sorong, to which he replied: 'Only two weeks,' adding that he had just moved here from Jakarta.

When we asked him whether he knew Abner Korwa, he said he had found out about Abner Korwa on the Internet and realised that he was an environmental activist. When he asked us whether Abner Korwa was at the office, I told him that Korwa does not work for Belantara but spends most of his time working at home

He then asked me whether I would introduce him to Abner Korwa. I said that I could but he was not here at the moment. He then spoke at  length about Belantara and their work with the local government and the security forces. As the discussion proceeded, he asked me for the names of the executive members of Belantara and then asked me what my name was and I said my name is Max Binur. He asked me what courses I was taking and I said I was doing a course about UNAMIN and its administration. I also told him that there were five people on its staff.

He also wanted to know  whether he could take part in discussions with Belantara and I said that he could if he wanted to.

'And what about involving my friends from the Indonesian Navy,' he asked, to which I said by all means. But I said that at the moment we were very busy doing our own work in the countryside  which means that at present no one was here in the office except the doorman.

He then asked me whether I could give him the names of the members of the executive committee of Belantara and their photographs. I said, I'm sorry but I wont be able to do that until tomorrow. I said if he wants something official, I could send hem to meet some people in the Indonesian Navy.

I ended the conversation at this point, explaining that I had to attend another meeting so I could only do this in a few days time.

He then asked for my telephone number which I gave him and in exchange, he gave me his telephone number.

When I asked him what his full name was, he said Major Yandi, adding that he was a member of the Indonesian Navy in Sorong.

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Intimidation

1.    When a member of the Indonesian Navy wants to meet people, he should go to their the front door and if no one is there, he should leave.
2.    What happened was that after knocking at the door, he went next door  to see whether anyone was there but there was no one.
3.    Major Yandi then asked for the names of the members of the executive committee of Belantara so that he could take their photographs. This was during our discussion which lasted for about one hour.
4.     During the discussion, he said he would like to work together with Belantara on a joint business project in Katapop.
5.    During the discussion he mentioned the name of Labora Sitorus but the began to talk about something else.
6.     He said he had moved here from Jakarta two weeks ago and that he had met several NGOs.
7.     One of his other tricks  was to say that he had come from Jakarta on a Pelita Air  flight, but as far as I  know, Pelita Airlines does not fly from Jakarta to Sorong.

From all  this, I draw the following conclusions:

1.    In the last five years, no members of the security forces, either from the police or the army, have ever come to our Belantara Office asking for the profiles and names of members of the Belantara executive committee.
2.    I think that the re-opening of the case of  Labora Sitorus and the report in METRO TV in a newscast which was broadcast twice on the REALITA Programme could all be part of the same scenario.
3.     Since 12-13 July, I have been investigating  the case of the company BANGUN KAYA IRIAN which is located in Bagaraga Kampung, Kais, in the District of Wayer, Moswaren, the Region of South Sorong. It was when I arrived home from the location on  the next day 15 July) that a member of the security forces visited me.
4.    On my way home from South Sorong (Teminabuan) to the town of Sorong  on Sunday evening, I took several photos of timber which was piled up on the side of the road from Maladofok Kampung to Klamono. All along the road, there were logs that were about to be transported. I stopped my car on the road, got out  and took six photos of the logs  that were piled up.
5.     I was also suspicious about the Bloody AIMAS  case.
6.     This is perhaps in connection with the appeal we received from the Wawiyai people to assist them in fighting their case in Friwen,
7.     It is also perhaps connected to the exploitation of nickel  in Yenbekaki Kampung, Raja Ampat.

These are some recent cases which I  think are connected with the visit of Major YANDI of the Indonesian Navy although he did not tell us anything. There may be other motives about which we know  nothing.

Max Binur, Director of Belantara Papua

Finally, I want to make it clear that I am providing giving my name and identity card details. If any of these people want to contact me, please do so as I am willing to discuss these matters with them.

But because I need to be careful about giving people details about my identity card number,  I have decided to get a new identity card so as to be able to communicate with people about matters of principle.

Thank you!

Media release-PM Rudd is visiting Indonesia-will West Papua be the elephant in the room again?

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Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)

PO Box 28, Spit Junction, NSW 2088


Media Release 3 July 2013


Prime Minister Kevin Rudd is visiting Indonesia for the third Indonesia-Australia Leaders' Meeting


No doubt the two main issues that will be discussed between Kevin Rudd and  President Yudhoyono will be curbing the flow of asylum seekers and the live cattle trade. 


Joe Collins of AWPA said,  "West Papua will be the elephant in the room again, yet it is the one issue that could cause major friction between our two countries. 


Human rights abuses committed by the Indonesian security forces are ongoing, people are being killed and arrested at peaceful demonstrations and this is 50 years after Indonesia took over control of the territory from the UN." 


We hope that Kevin Rudd will follow the example of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) leaders and also raise the issue of human rights with the Indonesian President.


From the official MSG Communiqué  

"endorsed that the concerns of the MSG regarding the human rights violations and other forms of atrocities relating to the West Papuan people be raised with the Government of Indonesia bilaterally and as a Group"

The MSG will also go on a fact-finding mission to West Papua. We encourage Kevin Rudd to also ask Jakarta can Australia send a cross party parliamentary delegation to West Papua not only to investigate the human rights situation but to also to see how Australia can help the West Papuan people in the fields of health and education. 


ends.



1) Commentary: Indonesia: A reluctant good neighbor to Australia

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Paper Edition | Page: 2
Many Indonesians find it hard to control their temper each time they read or hear any kind of “provocative” remark or statement from the Australian media, military, politicians or celebrities. The country is perceived as an arrogant neighbor that has a strong sense of superiority toward us, and which has no more important agenda than to destroy the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).

To us, Australia is a nation that has little respect for Indonesia, while we do not believe that we deserve such treatment as a great nation. We would like Australians to learn more about Indonesia because of its pivotal role in the global community. While at the same time we often ignore the principle “to know thy neighbor”. We are apparently reluctant to learn more about our neighbors and instead focus on forcing them to deepen their knowledge about us.

A poll conducted this year by the Lowy Institute found that 84 percent of Australians believe that their country “acts as a good neighbor to Indonesia”, while only 54 percent agree that Indonesia acts as a good neighbor to Australia and only 30 percent of them believe that “Indonesia helps Australia combat people smuggling”.

Who among Indonesians would not feel angry at the perception that a majority (54 percent) agree that “Australia is right to worry about Indonesia as a military threat” and that “Indonesia is a dangerous source of Islamic terrorism”? One thing we need to remember is that perception does not always reflect reality.

Perhaps most of us will never forgive the continent state for “masterminding” the independence of East Timor (now Timor Leste), although we often forget that it was then president BJ Habibie who initiated an independence referendum for the former Indonesian colony.

It is also no exaggeration to say that most of us are strongly suspicious that Australia will, again, be the main supporter of the Papuan people in establishing their own state despite repeated denials from Australian government officials, including Foreign Minister Bob Carr during a meeting with a group of visiting Indonesian journalists, because Australia was among the first countries that endorsed Indonesia’s annexation of East Timor in the 1970s. The presence of a strong US military presence in Darwin only strengthens the suspicion that Papua’s independence is high on the neighbor’s agenda.

 During the Soeharto era, the then president was outraged when an Australian newspaper reported the corrupt practices of his children, although we found later that the reports were not totally wrong (if not totally right).

Today (Thursday), Prime Minister Kevin Rudd arrives in Jakarta to meet President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Indonesia will opt to remain neutral regarding the September general election in Australia no matter who emerges as the winner (Labor or the Coalition), although Yudhoyono probably has a personal preference for Rudd. Rudd’s visit itself was not at his own initiative because it was his predecessor, Julia Gillard, who tabled the visit.

I remember visiting parliament in Canberra last month. Rudd was sitting in the back row when Gillard responded sternly to a statement by an opposition legislator who teased her about an economic issue. Rudd received little attention from the media or even his colleagues because most of the Australian media was confident that Rudd would not get enough of the vote to exact revenge against Gillard to secure the Labor Party’s helm.

Gillard had called for an early general election in September, while the opposition party was leading in several opinion polls. Opposition leader Tony Abbott, who promised to take a much tougher stance against boat people, including the possible deployment of naval ships to chase away the boats carrying them, was outraged at Gillard’s announcement that she would meet with Yudhoyono in Jakarta in August.

Gillard clearly wanted to get a major concession from the Indonesian government concerning boat people. I personally met with Gillard along with other Indonesian journalists as a part of an Australian Foreign Ministry program to organize a dialogue with their Australian counterparts. For Indonesia, Labor’s approach is more sensible because the burden is shared. Indonesia cannot control the flow of the boat people because of the vastness of the archipelago, and also because of the corrupt mentality of Indonesian officials who have direct contact with the migrants. The root of the problem lies not only with Indonesia but much more with the countries of origin.

Rudd’s visit would be much more meaningful were he to visit again after winning the September election, and if it were more of a courtesy visit.

In every way Indonesia is a major state and it is only right that it holds an honorable position among the international community. But we also need to behave as a great nation, one for which its people have high respect. There are 1,000 reasons to hate Australia, but we must also be ready when the same reasons are applied to us.


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THURSDAY, 04 JULY, 2013 | 12:35 WIB
2) Non-Papuans Rally, Demand Security
TEMPO.CO, Jayapura - Thousands of non-Papuans residents living in the Jayapura district marched in the district's street on Wednesday, July 3. The non-locals rallied to protest against the murder of a man from Sulawesi in Sentani, last week.
"We demand security guarantees and the closing of all liquor stores," said Burhan, one of the protest leaders.
Burhan said that the immigrants had never done any harm to the native Papuans. "Everyone her are traders and shop owners and we have been nice. But somehow [Papuans] think we've taken their rights, whereas we are helping them by providing jobs," he said.
The protest caused a number of shops to close as most shop owners joined the protest. Hundreds of merchants marched on the streets, asking the government to work harder in creating harmony between native Papuans and non-Papuans.
 JERRY OMONA
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http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/australia-indonesia-relations-approach-with-caution/

3) Australia–Indonesia relations: approach with caution

Jul 2013
With all the talk in the past few days about the possibility of Australia and Indonesia coming into conflict—be it diplomatic or otherwise—it’s worth understanding some of the pressure points in the relationship. At the top of the list, at least from Jakarta’s perspective, would be the events of late 1999. Following a self-determination ballot in August 1999, the security situation in East Timor worsened and—after a period of active diplomacy and coercive efforts supported by the US—Indonesia consented to the deployment of an Australian-led, UN-authorised peacekeeping force (known as INTERFET).
Aside from the obvious reasons, this case study deserves close scrutiny because a certain mythology (and oversimplification) has crept into the narrative over the years. In the latest issue of the Security Challenges journal, I present a new take on the events of 1999. As part of my research for this article, I interviewed the six Ministers then serving in the National Security Committee of Cabinet, as well as nine others who were intimately involved in Australian policy-making. One key lesson from the events of 1999 is that Australia will—in all but the most extenuating circumstances—prioritise the Jakarta–Canberra relationship above almost all other concerns.
While some see the violence of September 1999 as a catastrophe Australia could—and should—have prevented, I instead suggest that Australia’s ability to influence this outcome was limited. The events of 1999 should be considered, to some degree, independently of events in 1998. In January 1999 the Indonesian President, B.J. Habibie, announced that East Timor’s status would be resolved through an act of self-determination. Though Australia had advocated Indonesian policy action on the issue of East Timor, this decision was completely unanticipated and generated acute policy challenges for Australia. As such, Habibie’s announcement caught Australia by surprise and precipitated a period of reactive policy-making.
As 1999 progressed, it became clear than the Indonesian military (TNI) were unable or unwilling to provide adequate security for the ballot. This was the primary policy challenge for Australia—having advocated a new Indonesian approach, Australia was politically tied to the outcome. The best method for ensuring the security of the ballot was widely acknowledged to be a pre-ballot peacekeeping force (PKF) deployed under Indonesian consent.  Given the abhorrent violence of September 1999, it’s no surprise that much of the historical debate centres on this issue.
Clinton Fernandes uses leaked documents to argue that Australia ‘worked assiduously’ to prevent a pre-ballot PKF. However, this account overlooks a number of factors that point to a more balanced Australian approach. Australia’s plan, in early 1999, was to maximise pressure on Indonesia­—specifically the TNI—in the hope that they would improve security. Though Fernandes suggests a rift in Australia–US relations on this point, public testimony from the American Assistant Secretary of State, Stan Roth, supported the Australian approach. Fernandes’ account also overlooks Australia’s subsequent efforts to secure a pre-ballot PKF.
In April 1999, TNI forces failed to intervene during a churchyard massacre in Liquica, in which approximately sixty civilians were killed. This prompted Howard to call Habibie to suggest a high-level meeting in order to discuss the violence and possible solutions.
The ‘Bali Summit’ of 27 April 1999 started with a private meeting between Howard and Habibie. Howard asked Habibie to accept a pre-ballot PKF, but Habibie judged the situation in East Timor to be a secondary concern. While the TNI had accepted his decision for a self-determination ballot, Habibie felt they would not accept foreign troops on (what was still) Indonesian soil. Howard pressed Habibie, but he was rebuffed—Habibie insisted that his ‘position would be absolutely untenable in Jakarta if he were to agree to this’.
Hugh White, then a Deputy Secretary in the Department of Defence, has since described the Bali Summit as the ‘last best chance to avoid the disasters of September’. I argue that while Australia could have pursued a pre-ballot PKF more forcefully, this would’ve entailed serious strategic risk. Had Habibie accepted Howard’s request, it could’ve precipitated a TNI coup or more determined efforts to subvert the ballot. These would have been catastrophic outcomes for Australia.
My research suggests that Australia’s primary policy challenge throughout 1999 was that of balancing competing strategic objectives. Pursuing one objective—such as reduced violence in Timor—could imperil more important objectives, such as supporting Indonesia’s continued democratic reform. Though Australia didn’t prevent the violence of September 1999, this wasn’t due to apathy, neglect or incompetence. Rather, this outcome reflects Australia’s invidious circumstances, where avoiding worst-case scenarios was a significant achievement. It also suggests that in all but the most-dire circumstances, Australia will likely prioritise good relations with Jakarta above other concerns. Given a bipartisan desire to address the ‘boatpeople’ issue, this notion could be of great relevance over the next year or so. A new Indonesian President, depending on their disposition towards Australia, could be another cause for cautious diplomacy.
After considering the events of 1998–1999, it would be foolish to conclude that Australia’s relationship with Indonesia should be paralysed by the fear of worst-case scenarios. However, it would be equally foolish to assume that the same priorities that motivated Australian behaviour in 1999 are less relevant today. Indonesia continues to be of immense and enduring importance to Australia. While this idea mightn’t resonate with a domestic audience, it’s a strategic reality unlikely to change, and should sensibly inform the consideration of any new policy which might pose a risk to the bilateral relationship.
Iain Henry is a Fulbright Scholar and PhD candidate at the Australian National University’s Strategic and Defence Studies Centre. These are his personal views only. He tweets at@IainDHenry. Image courtesy of Flickr user jenny louise johnson.
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Jul 2013

One wonders whose opinions the reportedly more consultative Kevin Rudd sought in advance of his press conference last week, when he speculated about confrontation with Indonesia under a Coalition government. ‘I am very concerned about whether if Mr Abbott became prime minister and continues that rhetoric and that posture and actually tries to translate it into reality I really wonder whether he is trying to risk some sort of conflict with Indonesia’, Mr Rudd said. ‘It’s not a good thing, it’s a really bad thing’.
Confrontation with Indonesia would be an unspeakably bad thing for any Australian government, but it’s difficult to see how that outcome would emerge from a difference of view over asylum seekers. The Australian Navy will always operate with the safety of individuals at sea as their prime concern, and no political direction can alter that. It’s simply misleading to imply that the unhappy and complicated asylum seeker issue could degenerate into war between Australia and Indonesia. The constant influx of boats carrying asylum-seekers makes the bilateral relationship difficult, but so too do differences over live cattle exports, the attitudes of some Australian NGOs on Papua, drug-mules and a range of other issues. The fact is that relations between the two countries remain on a positive track notwithstanding specific points of tension.
Here’s some good news: there’s largely bipartisan support for building closer and more effective relations with Indonesia. The 2013 Defence White Paper put a premium on closer relations with Jakarta, describing it as ‘our most important relationship in the region’:
Australia benefits from having a strong and cohesive Indonesia as a partner to our north, as Indonesia does from a secure Australia to its south. Geographic proximity means that Indonesia’s and Australia’s security interests are intertwined. We have a shared aspiration for the stability and economic prosperity of our region that underpins our partnership and is driving increased breadth and depth in our defence cooperation. (DWP 2013 (PDF), paragraph 3.17)
At the Shangri-La Dialogue last June, Indonesian Defence Minister Purnomo indicated the bilateral defence relationship was progressing well. He praised Australia for closely consulting with Jakarta on the white paper and offered to do the same as Indonesia updates its policy.
For its part, the Opposition has indicated strong support for the bilateral relationship. A Coalition policy statement released in January 2013 notes the opportunities Indonesian economic growth offers for Australia, commits to fast-track a free trade agreement with Jakarta, promises to avoid ‘damaging backflips’ like the suspension of the live cattle trade, and says that if Prime Minister Mr Abbott will make his first overseas visit to Indonesia. This positive approach has been summed up as ‘more Jakarta and less Geneva‘ in Coalition statements.
Both sides of politics claim to appreciate the importance of the bilateral relationship, and say that it’s a priority to deepen engagement. If the government and opposition really mean what they say, they should work harder to ensure that domestic wrangles don’t damage their bigger aspirations for the relationship. The reality is that both sides have an interest in making sure that relations with Jakarta are kept on an even keel through the election period so that whichever party wins power, a government with a new mandate can make Indonesia a priority.
What would be the right way to approach Indonesia in the lead up to our own domestic poll? Mr Rudd will visit next week, and it’s likely the Coalition will continue to make their own contacts in the weeks before the election. I suggest four key approaches. First, it’s important to not leave the Indonesians with an impression that either side of Australian politics is trying to enlist their support in a domestic spat. Jakarta, sensibly, will want to be able to deal with whoever wins office in Canberra. Domestic politics shouldn’t be exported.
Second, we must take the time to set out the bigger goals for the bilateral relationship. As I’ve written here, Indonesia doesn’t necessarily think its relationship with Australia is as critical to them as we’d like. We need to sell the positive case for close relations with Canberra, which will be built around economic links, trade and people to people ties. It’s pointless just hectoring Indonesians about why they should jump to address our interests.
Third, if the relationship is really critical to Australia, we should be prepared to put our money where our mouth is—by offering substantial incentives to change behavior around people smuggling. This could involve helping to equip and train the TNI Navy and Air Force with the wherewithal to patrol their waters. Large scale development assistance to build capacity in customs, policing, judicial and related areas would also assist. It’s worth remembering here the breakthrough moment in the bilateral relationship that took place when John Howard announced abillion dollar aid package in January 2005 after the tsunami devastated the Aceh Province. This was a defining moment which helped to overcome resentments from the East Timor experience. Big gestures can yield big rewards.
Finally, our Government and Opposition should approach their contacts with Indonesian leaders in a suitably low-key way. Megaphone diplomacy of the type associated with Prime Ministerial visits won’t help to deliver the types of cooperative and long-term outcomes Australia wants. The right approach would be for both sides of Australian politics to signal their willingness to be involved in a deep, sustained and closed door-dialogue after our election is over. If ever there was a need for some bipartisan consensus on an international issue, good relations with Indonesia is the critical one. References to Konfrontasi should be shelved and promises of continuity offered instead.
Peter Jennings is executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. Image courtesy ofAustralian Foreign Minister archive.

1) Police Ban First Edition of Pelita Papua Magazine

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1) Police Ban First Edition of Pelita Papua Magazine
2) Papua Gold Panners Clash, Kills One

3) Australian perceived as arrogant and interfering in Indonesia

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THURSDAY, 04 JULY, 2013 | 23:05 WIB
1) Police Ban First Edition of Pelita Papua Magazine
TEMPO.COJayapura - After just days of the distribution of its first edition, Pelita Papua magazine encountered problems with the police last Wednesday for portraying the symbol of the Free Papua Movement on its cover. 
Previously, 2,000 copies of the 64-page edition were already been distributed. Fidelis Jeminta, chief editor of Pelita Papua in Jayapura, said this case would restrict freedom of the press in Papua again. 
"We feel we are being treated unjustly. Out there, many media outlets show pictures of the Bintang Kejora (symbol of the movement) but are not examined by the police," he said. 
The Pelita Papua magazine office is located in the Merauke district and has a permit issued by the Merauke district. The first edition of the magazine covers the issue of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) office in England. There is also an article about the opinions of some figures regarding the movement. 
"It’s normal, nothing big. We are disappointed at the police’s random prohibition," said Fidelis. 
Papua Police Chief Sr. Comr. I Gede Sumerta Jaya said that published material about Papua’s freedom or anything that can incite violence is prohibited. He denied allegations that the police revoked the magazine’s license.  JERRY OMONA


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FRIDAY, 05 JULY, 2013 | 00:29 WIB
2) Papua Gold Panners Clash, Kills One
TEMPO.CO, Timika - Two groups of traditional gold panners at mile 34 of Freeport Indonesia's gold mining area in Timika, Papua clashed again on Thursday, July 4, killing one man and wounding dozens of other. 
Adrianus Lesomartewas was shot on his chest by an arrow. He died at the Mimika District General Hospital. In the clash, some two hundred gold panners attacked one another using various weapons including bows and arrows and rifles.
The Kuala Kencana Police tried breaking up the fights while evacuating panners. But the effort was not successful because the police were outnumbered.
As of the evening, the police were still patrolling and conducting friendly approaches to the two warring groups. Armored vehicles are stationed in areas considered prone to more clashes.
Several months ago, the two groups of gold panners also fought at the Budi Utomo Street, leaving two people dead and dozens injured.
 
TJAHJONO EP
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3) Australian perceived as arrogant and interfering in Indonesia

Posted 4 July 2013, 22:03 AEST
To coincide with Kevin Rudd's visit to Jakarta, readers of the English-language Jakarta Post woke up this morning to a provocative editorial about the relationship between the two countries.
Senior Managing Editor Kornelius Purba wrote that Australia is perceived as an arrogant neighbour that has a strong sense of superiority toward Indonesians, and is bent on helping the people of Papua achieve independence.
He says Australia's role in helping East Timor achieve independence remains a sore point for many Indonesians.
And who among Indonesians would not feel angry - he asks - at the Lowy Poll findings that a majority of Australians see Indonesia as a military threat and a dangerous source of Islamic terrorism.
But Kornelius Purba argues that Indonesia also needs to get to know Australia better - and that while "there are 1,000 reasons to hate Australia ... we must also be ready when the same reasons are applied to us."
Presenter: Joanna McCarthy
Speaker: Kornelius Purba, Senior Managing Editor of the Jakarta Post

Media release 15 years after the Biak Massacre the oppression of the West Papuan people continues

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Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)

PO Box 28, Spit Junction, NSW 2088


Media release 5 July 2013

15 years after the Biak Massacre the oppression of the West Papuan people continues.


Saturday the 6 July marks 15 years since the Indonesian security forces massacred scores of people in Biak , West Papua. The victims, included women and children who had gathered for a peaceful rally. They were killed at the base of a water tower flying the Morning Star flag. Other Papuans were rounded up and later taken out to sea where they were thrown off naval ships and drowned.


The Australian Government who knew about the massacre turned a blind eye and did not protest to the Indonesian Government. (Between  July 11 - 14  an Australian Army Captain arrived in Biak to carry out an official investigation on behalf of the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs) http://www.biak-tribunal.org/west-papua-massacre-cover-up-controversy-in-australia/


Joe Collins of AWPA said , "it is tragic  that 15 years after the Biak  massacre West Papuans are still being killed, arrested and jailed for peacefully protesting  about the injustice they suffer under Indonesian rule. We keep hearing how Indonesia is now a democracy yet  during May, the  security forces cracked down on a number of  peaceful rallies resulting in 3 people  killed and  up to 20 arrested". 


There is no freedom of the press in West Papua as just days after first edition of the  Pelita Papua magazine was published, it was banned by the police simply because it covered  the issue of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) office in England

West Papua is one of Australia’s nearest neighbours and the Australian Government should be doing everything it can to get Jakarta to negotiate with the West Papuan leadership to try and solve peacefully all the issues of concern in West Papua.

Ends

1) Australia at risk of becoming an island as Pacific prospers

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1) Australia at risk of becoming an island as Pacific prospers 

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1) Australia at risk of becoming an island as Pacific prospers

FIRST it was the Pacific Century, then the Asia Pacific Century, then the Asian Century with a recent nod towards the Chinese Century. Now we are hearing of the Indo-Pacific Century. Hollywood to Bollywood, as one US military officer put it recently.
A great sweep of ocean from India to the eastern shores of California is the strategic big picture, we are told.
But while Australian policymakers debate every chess move by China, India and the US a more urgent Indo-Pacific shift, this time Indonesia versus the Pacific, is happening in two areas not even named in the Australian defence white paper 2013: West Papua and Melanesia.
This is because West Papua remains the territory that dare not speak its name in Australian policy circles. By all means talk about democracy and human rights in faraway places like Syria and Burma, where Australia has little or no influence, or closer to home, hammering Fiji with an unproductive policy.
But it appears Australians can say nothing about atrocities happening on Australia's doorstep when Indonesia is involved. There is no way of putting this lightly: Australia continues to support Indonesian repression even as a growing body of international legal opinion labels Indonesian policy in West Papua a "slow moving genocide". This is not trivial.
Melanesia - the region encompassing Australia's nearest neighbours (Timor Leste, West Papua, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji and New Caledonia) - likewise is not even referenced by name in the defence white paper.
This is a telling omission, as it reflects Australian policy to deal with these countries bilaterally while not understanding the growing dynamic of sub-regionalism and the importance of the Melanesian Spearhead Group that holds these nations and peoples together and is increasingly setting common policy for them.
Two weeks ago in Noumea, the leaders of Melanesia gathered for the 25th anniversary celebrations of the establishment of the MSG. Australia, close neighbour and supposed regional power, was not represented at this important gathering.
The summit also marked the transition of chairmanship from Fiji's Frank Bainimarama to Victor Tutugoro, representing the Kanaky people of New Caledonia on behalf of the pro-independence FLNKS, the Kanak Socialist Front for National Liberation.
The MSG summit not only appointed a new chairman, but for the first time invited West Papuan delegates, who have applied for membership, as "special guests". Although the decision on membership for West Papua was deferred for six months pending a planned visit to the territory by a MSG special delegation, there is now strong momentum towards membership.
This year's official communique states that leaders "endorsed that the MSG fully supports the inalienable rights of the people of West Papua towards self-determination as provided for under the preamble of the MSG constitution" as well as "endorsed that the concerns of the MSG regarding the human rights violations and other forms of atrocities relating to the West Papuan people be raised with the government of Indonesia bilaterally and as a group". This could prompt a crisis of sorts in Australia's immediate region. Melanesian nations are moving away from both Australia and Indonesia, which prefer to keep the tragedy of West Papua under wraps.
Since the MSG's establishment in 1988, Canberra has not bothered to even apply for observer status, even as countries like China, Indonesia and Luxembourg are at the table.
Perhaps it wanted to wait until Bainimarama had left the stage as MSG chair, but the MSG summit further demonstrates how Australia has become strategically adrift from its own neighbours.
It continues to view the Pacific islands as small island states in need of aid and good governance, when it is more useful to view them now as large ocean states being courted by global powers, and comprising a significant bloc of UN votes.
Island nations want their culture appreciated, their sovereignty respected, more balanced trade and for their people not to have to jump through hoops of fire to get an Australian visa.
In West Papua, the fact that Indonesia has closed off this entire territory to all foreign media and NGOs including the Red Cross shows the extent to which Indonesia wishes to hide what it is doing there. It is a clumsy gesture, symbolic of another age.
Jakarta appears not to appreciate that successive Australian governments have never supported the West Papuans and lost much political capital in the Pacific in doing so. But Indonesia must realise this position is becoming increasingly untenable as the body count piles up and Indonesia shows no sign of ever implementing meaningful autonomy or reining in its military or the jihadis there.
As a result, Indonesia's hold over West Papua has lost its legitimacy as far as many Pacific island nations are concerned.
It is true that Indonesia has come a long way towards democracy and a free press since the fall of Suharto, but none of these progressive elements exist in West Papua, where even President SBY has no real influence over the military.
Yet the window for Indonesia to maintain control of the issue is fast closing. This is heading for the UN General Assembly, just as France is now faced with its Pacific territories like Tahiti being re-inscribed on the UN decolonisation list.
Modern multicultural Australia has forgotten the historic importance of the Pacific islands to Australia and needs its leaders to remind a new generation.
Barack Obama can declare himself a Pacific president, yet no Australian leader wants to claim our place in the region: former prime minister Julia Gillard was all about "the Asian Century", throwing away cheaply the opportunity to be a middle-power Pacific nation in the Pacific Century.
Step back from the US-China thing for now, that will play out over decades. More pressing is that Australia needs to better balance relations with Indonesia and Melanesia.
Australia's imperative is to embrace the Melanesian nations not as aid recipients and neighbours, but ultimately as family. It requires rhetoric, rolling out the red carpet and a new emphasis on soft-power diplomacy.
Australia will never be secure in Asia until it is secure and integrated with the island nations of the Pacific. It is time for Australian leaders to speak with vision and claim Australia's Pacific destiny. Applying to join the MSG would be a start.
Ben Bohane is communications director for the Pacific Institute of Public Policy in Port Vila, Vanuatu.
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Posted at 02:01 on 05 July, 2013 UTC
This weekend marks the 15th anniversary of the Biak massacre in West Papua, when scores of West Papuans were wounded, arrested or killed while calling for independence from Indonesia.
On July 6, 1998, in Biak Island’s main town, Indonesian military units launched a dawn attack on Papuans who had staged a peaceful demonstration over several days.
Some were shot on the spot while many others were taken onto Indonesian naval boats and thrown into the ocean before their mutilated bodies washed up on Biak’s shores over following days.
A political counsellor at the US Embassy in Jakarta at the time, Ed McWilliams, visited Biak a few days later and found an entire town traumatised.
“And we don’t know the number of people (who died) but we estimate certainly in the hundreds. The effort was made to try to try to simply determine how many were killed by counting the bodies that were floating up from having been thrown into the sea, but the Indonesian military authorities would not allow the people to collect the bodies as they came in on the shore.”
Ed McWilliams
To mark the anniversary, survivors and a team of international jurists are holding a citizens’ tribunal at the University of Sydney tomorrow.
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1) Rudd Reiterates Recognition of Indonesia’s Sovereignty Over Papua

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1) Rudd Reiterates Recognition of Indonesia’s Sovereignty Over Papua

2) Australian PM: Indonesia is Important for Us

3) Stop Being Afraid of Dialogue between Indonesia and Papua



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http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/rudd-reiterates-recognition-of-indonesias-sovereignty-over-papua/

1) Rudd Reiterates Recognition of Indonesia’s Sovereignty Over Papua



Bogor, West Java. Visiting Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd reiterated his government’s recognition of Indonesia’s sovereignty over Papua on Friday.
“I would like to publicly reaffirm here, what successive Australian prime ministers have said in the past, that Australia recognizes, recognized in the past and will recognize in the future, the territorial integrity of the Republic of Indonesia that includes Papua,” Rudd said.
Speaking at a joint press conference at the Bogor Palace, Rudd also praised President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s “strong leadership” and the special autonomy package accorded for Papua’s development.
“I encourage him in this direction. I am sure, as Australian Prime Minister, I will do everything I can in supporting him in this important direction as well,” he said.
Rudd, who was on visit for the third annual Indonesia-Australia Leaders’ Meeting,  said that Yudhoyono’s government had already achieved success in Aceh, where the government also granted an autonomy package after it agreed with separatists rebels there to end decades of conflict in August 2005.
He said that Australia wanted to work with the government here in a way that could be helpful “in making sure that we bring about a long-term, stable, prosperous and secure Papua that is part of the Republic of Indonesia.”
A joint communique issued after the meeting of the two leaders, said that they “reaffirmed the two countries’ continued adherence to the principles of respecting each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity as mandated in the Lombok Treaty.”
“I am certain that under the leadership of Prime Minister Rudd, the cooperation, partnership and friendship between the Republic of Indonesia and Australia can continue to be stepped up,” Yudhoyono said on the same occasion.
Yudhoyono said that he and Rudd shared the same commitment in seeking new opportunities to boost cooperation.The leaders, it said, were encouraged by the many “positive developments” in their bilateral relationship since the previous meeting in Darwin last year.
In the joint communique Yudhoyono and Rudd also encouraged the further promotion of bilateral trade and investment cooperation between Indonesia and Australia.
“Noting that the two countries have shared interest in the area of food security, both leaders agreed to further explore trade and investment cooperation in the agriculture sector, including in the beef and cattle industry,” it said.
Tensions had risen several times between Indonesia and Australia over the alleged maltreatment of cows here, leading to a cut in beef imports from Australia.
The Leaders also recognised the importance of the two countries’ wide-ranging cooperation in tackling regional and global challenges, particularly transnational crimes such as terrorism, cyber-crime, drugs, corruption and money-laundering.
On the issue of human trafficking and people smuggling, the two countries agreed to continue to develop a regional solution.
The regional solution, the communique said, should involve countries of origin, transit and destination and cover elements of prevention, early detection and protection.
“They stressed the importance of avoiding unilateral actions which might jeopardize such a comprehensive regional approach and that may cause operational or other difficulties to any party,” the statement said.


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HTTP://EN.TEMPO.CO/READ/NEWS/2013/07/05/074493930/AUSTRALIAN-PM-INDONESIA-IS-IMPORTANT-FOR-US
FRIDAY, 05 JULY, 2013 | 21:14 WIB
2) Australian PM: Indonesia is Important for Us
TEMPO.COBogor – Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd said that Indonesia plays an important role for Australia's interest. The two countries have agreed to establish a more intensive cooperation, particularly in economic sector.
"We have to cooperate more in economic sector," Rudd said after meeting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the Bogor Presidential Palace , West Java, Friday, July 5.
Rudd emphasized that Both Australia and Indonesia will gain benefit from beef trading. "It's good for Australian beef industry, it's good for Indonesian investors and good also for Indonesian consumers," he said.
He also addressed his concern on human smuggling to Australia. "This problem of people smuggling is a problem for our entire region, therefore the President's initiative is for all of us to work together, and I salute you Mr president, on your bold move," the Prime Minister stated.
In the meeting, Kevin Rudd also said that the Australian government fully recognize Indonesian's authority over Papua. "Australia wants to work with the government here in a way that could be helpful in making sure that we bring about a long-term, stable, prosperous and secure Papua that is a part of the Republic of Indonesia."
PRIHANDOKO


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From Tapol

3) Stop Being Afraid of Dialogue between Indonesia and Papua‏



Bintang Papua, 4 July 2013

Jayapura: The Dutch Government has been urged to support the idea of 
dialogue between Jakarta and Papua to resolve the problem of Papua, as
has been suggested by the Papuan Peace Network.

'We call on the Indonesian Government and the Papuan people not to be 
afraid of sitting down together and thinking about what needs to be 
done to resolve the Papuan problem by means of dialogue between Jakarta 
and Papua,' said Yan Douw, a Catholic Monk during a meeting with the 
Dutch ambassador, Tjeer de Zwaan. He also had meetings with the chief of 
police, community leaders, religious leaders and youth leaders in Jayapura.

He therefore called on the Netherlands, the United States and the United 
Nations together with Indonesia to come together to discuss the Papuan
situation. 'If they fail to do so, they will share responsibility for 
any Papuan blood that may be shed,' he said.

The representative of the Catholic Diocese said he cannot understand why 
it was possible to resolve the conflict with Aceh by means of dialogue
but Indonesia has found it extremely difficult to respond to calls for a 
dialogue between Jakarta and Papua.

The Chairman the Alliance of Traditional People, Lenis Kogoya said that 
information being disseminated abroad about the question of Papua does
not reflect the reality in the Land of Papua. and he urged the Dutch 
Government to make sure that it receives information from a variety of
sources.

The chairman of the Jayapura branch of the GKI (Gereja Christian 
Indonesia) in Papua, Willem Itaar pointed out that the GKI was one of 
the churches from the Netherlands and from Germany that brought the 
Bible to the people of Papua which happened on 5 February 1855. One 
hundred years later, in 1956, the GKI was established in Papua.

Willem Itaar said that the GKI was one of the churches that played a 
part in placing Papua within the territory of the Republic of Indonesia. 
But subsequently the churches faced a dilemma because they must share 
responsibility for the security situation in the Land of Papua, bearing 
in mind the fact that the churches are present in all parts of the 
territory, right down to the smallest village.

'When anyone talks about Papua, one is talking also about the 
Netherlands because the Netherlands played a role in setting up the 
sovereign state of Indonesia, whereas it was in 1963 that Papua became
integrated as part of the Republic of Indonesia, which it continues to
be to this day, said Willlem Itaar.

Translated by TAPOL

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