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1) Papuan students start wearing 'koteka' to school

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1) Papuan students start wearing 'koteka' to school
2) West Papua skulls come home

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1) Papuan students start wearing 'koteka' to school
Jakarta Post
- | Mon, June 4, 2018 | 06:12 pm

A number of university students in Jayapura have begun to wear the traditional Papuan koteka (penis gourd) to campus, as reported by tempo.co.
Devio Tekege, a student at Cenderawasih University at Jayapura, Papua, reportedly launched the movement last week. Devio said that the unfamiliar atmosphere on campus had prompted him to wear the koteka. He became more confident as he wore it. “I was able to relax and I could follow the classes,” he said.

His koteka-wearing friends stated doing the same thing as it made them more confident as Papuans
Among the koteka-wearing students are Hoseri Edowai and Idewereknak Arabo, who go to Umel Mandiri Law School. They said Devio inspired them to don the traditional article of attire, and taking it a bit further, they also use a noken (woven bag) to carry their books.
When one of his teachers reprimanded his choice of attire, Albertus, a student at the Jayapura Science and Technology University, replied, “I am wearing my traditional costume. Is it so different from the people who wear batik, also a traditional costume?” (wng)
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2) West Papua skulls come home
  • Staff Reporter
  •  
  • 04 June 2018
  •  
  • 04:44
  •  
  • News
THE Australian government returned four decorated ancestral skulls to the ambassador of Indonesia, Yohanes Kristiarto Soeryo Legowo, at a function in Canberra last week.

"The Australian government is pleased to return these culturally significant decorated skulls from the Dayan and Asmat people to Indonesia, as part of our ongoing efforts to combat the international illegal trade in cultural property," Australian Arts Minister Mitch Fifield said at the Indonesian Embassy where the handover took place.
 
Legowo said the gesture was testament to the close law enforcement and cultural ties between Indonesia and Australia.
 
"The return of cultural property is not only a vivid example of our best practice, but it also signifies that Indonesia and Australia indeed always attach great importance to the protection of cultural heritages," Legowo said.
 
"Having noticed the growing global trends of illicit trafficking and selling of cultural property with many new forms in recent years, the return ceremony should also serve as an impetus for us to strengthen our cooperation to safeguard cultural treasures and to curb illicit activities of this kind."
 
The traditionally decorated skulls, two belonging to the Dayak people of Kalimantan and two belonging to the Asmat people of West Papua, were each presented in a special box crafted by onservators from the National Museum of Australia to ensure safe storage and transport.
 
The Arts Ministry says the artefacts provide a glimpse into the past where ornamental human skulls were used in traditional rituals. The Asmat people decorated skulls with seeds and carved sea shell rings, while the Dayak people decorated skulls with intricate engravings.
 
The ongoing effort to prevent the illegal trade in human remains and cultural artefacts is undertaken in Australia under the Protection of Movable Cultural Heritage Act 1986.


AHRC U/A-INDONESIA: Company confiscated customary land belonging to a local indigenous tribe in West Papua

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Note The AHRC makes it easy for people to respond to their U/As
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ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION - URGENT APPEALS PROGRAMME
Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-035-2018
June 05, 2018 

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INDONESIA: Company confiscated customary land belonging to a local indigenous tribe in West Papua 

ISSUES: Customary land, environment, right to food, justice, indigenous people

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ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION - URGENT APPEALS PROGRAM
Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-035-2018
 
June 05, 2018
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INDONESIA: Company confiscated customary land belonging to a local indigenous tribe in West Papua
ISSUES: Customary land, environment, right to food, justice, indigenous people 
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Dear Friends,

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received information from the Peace and Integrity of Creation (JPIC) regarding a customary land dispute between Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa Company and the Mpur Tribe in Tambrauw Regency, West Papua province. The company did not inform or seek consent of the local tribe regarding its project on their customary land, and the tribe now fears the negative impact to their environment and livelihood.

CASE NARRATIVE:
In 2014, the Minister for Forestry and Environmental Affairs issued a decree for the release of production forest concessions in the Papuan interior to 13 Palm Oil Plantation companies. One of the companies is Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa Company (PT. Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa - PT. BAPP), a subsidiary of the Salim Group, with a concession area of 19.369 ha located on customary land of the Mpur Tribe in Tambrauw Regency.
Before PT. BAPP started its operations in August 2015, the company did not inform the customary land rights holders and affected indigenous communities about the project, its environmental impact and the social benefits for these communities. 

Under Indonesian and international law, companies are required to reach an agreement with the customary landowners and inform affected communities about the project plans and its environmental impact.
However, PT BAPP did not enter into dialogue with the Mpur communities and inform them regarding the type of plantation, the environmental impact of the project and social benefits for their communities. Instead, PT. BAPP only approached the Ariks clan, one of the indigenous clans holding the customary ownership rights and convinced the head of the clan to sign an agreement for the release of customary land. In return, the company handed over 100 million Rupiahs (approximately 6.025 Euros) as a 'reward' to the Ariks clan. Other Mpur clans holding land ownership rights were only informed after the plantation activities had already been launched for over two months. The Mpur communities protested against PT. BAPP plantation in the Kebar area, because the company did not follow legal procedures and disrespected indigenous land rights holders, community leaders and customary institutions in the Kebar District.
In 2017, the plantation activities of PT BAPP caused resistance by various clans holding customary land ownership rights in the concession area – namely the clans Wasabiti, Amawi and Ariks - because they were not informed about the establishment of the plantation on their land. The company only approached a small part of the affected Mpur communities. On 28 October 2017, the Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation Desk (JPIC) of the Christian Evangelical Church in Papua (GKI-TP) together with the executive board of the GKI-TP Kebar Presbytery held a meeting with the community members and customary rights holders of the Mpur Tribe.

In the meeting, the Mpur community members stated that all clans inhabiting the Kebar Valley – namely the clans Wasabiti, Amawi, Wanimeri, Arumi, Kebar, Ariks and Inam – had decided to collectively reject PT BAPP and its plantation activities in Tambrauw Regency. The clans feared that the plantation would lead to the destruction of local staple food sources and forest areas which had been used by communities as a source of livelihood. Apart from that, the plantation activities had resulted in the displacement of several community members. The Mpur also asked the GKI-TP to discuss the rejection of the company with the Regent of Tambrauw Regency. On 31 October 2017, the board of GKI-TP Kebar presbytery and the JPIC desk shared the Mpur Tribe’s concerns with the Regent, Mr. Gabriel Asem. According to the regent, PT BAPP had decided to build a corn plantation because the initial proposal for the establishment of a palm oil plantation was rejected by the local government of Tambrauw Regency.

The regent approved the project until 2017 with the consideration that the plantation would create job opportunities and bring welfare for the local communities. On 17 November 2017, the Mpur tribe organized a customary consultation meeting, bringing together 105 participants, consisting of heads of clans and sub-clans as well as community members. The outcome of the meeting was a statement on the rejection of PT Bapp and its corn plantation. The statement was signed by 44 indigenous leaders of the clans Wasabiti, Amawi, Wanimeri, Arumi Kebar and Ariks residing in the Kebar Valley.

SUGGESTED ACTION:
Please write to the authorities listed below. Ask them to ensure that the Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa Company (PT. Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa - PT. BAPP) holds a dialogue with the customary land rights holders, the Mpur Tribe in Tambrauw Regency, West Papua province. The government should protect and respect the customary land rights holders and settle the problem fairly and transparently without undue delay. The National Commission on Human Rights and the Agency for Victims and Witness Protection must monitor the case and ensure that the Company obeys human rights standards and principles.

The AHRC will write a separate letter to the UN Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises calling for his intervention in this matter.
To support this appeal, please click here:

SAMPLE LETTER:
Dear ___________,
INDONESIA: Company confiscated customary land belong to local indigenous tribe in West Papua

Name of victims: the Mpur Tribe in Tambrauw Regency

Names of alleged perpetrators: Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa Company (PT. Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa - PT. BAPP)

Date of incidents: 2014 until present 

Place of incident: In Tambrauw Regency, West Papua province

I am writing to voice my deep concern regarding a customary land dispute between Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa Company and the Mpur Tribe in Tambrauw Regency, West Papua province. The company did not inform or seek consent of the local tribe regarding its project on their customary land, and the tribe now fears the negative impact to their environment and livelihood.

In 2014, the Minister for Forestry and Environmental Affairs issued a decree for the release of production forest concessions in the Papuan interior to 13 Palm Oil Plantation companies. One of the companies is Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa Company (PT. Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa - PT. BAPP), a subsidiary of the Salim Group, with a concession area of 19.369 ha located on customary land of the Mpur Tribe in Tambrauw Regency.
Before PT. BAPP started its operations in August 2015, the company did not inform the customary land rights holders and affected indigenous communities about the project, its environmental impact and the social benefits for these communities. Under Indonesian and international law, companies are required to reach an agreement with the customary landowners and inform affected communities about the project plans and its environmental impact.

However, PT BAPP did not enter into dialogue with the Mpur communities and inform them regarding the type of plantation, the environmental impact of the project and social benefits for their communities. Instead, PT. BAPP only approached the Ariks clan, one of the indigenous clans holding the customary ownership rights and convinced the head of the clan to sign an agreement for the release of customary land. In return, the company handed over 100 million Rupiahs (approximately 6.025 Euros) as a 'reward' to the Ariks clan. Other Mpur clans holding land ownership rights were only informed after the plantation activities had already been launched for over two months. The Mpur communities protested against PT. BAPP plantation in the Kebar area, because the company did not follow legal procedures and disrespected indigenous land rights holders, community leaders and customary institutions in the Kebar District.

In 2017, the plantation activities of PT BAPP caused resistance by various clans holding customary land ownership rights in the concession area – namely the clans Wasabiti, Amawi and Ariks - because they were not informed about the establishment of the plantation on their land. The company only approached a small part of the affected Mpur communities. On 28 October 2017, the Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation Desk (JPIC) of the Christian Evangelical Church in Papua (GKI-TP) together with the executive board of the GKI-TP Kebar Presbytery held a meeting with the community members and customary rights holders of the Mpur Tribe.
In the meeting, the Mpur community members stated that all clans inhabiting the Kebar Valley – namely the clans Wasabiti, Amawi, Wanimeri, Arumi, Kebar, Ariks and Inam – had decided to collectively reject PT BAPP and its plantation activities in Tambrauw Regency. The clans feared that the plantation would lead to the destruction of local staple food sources and forest areas which had been used by communities as a source of livelihood. Apart from that, the plantation activities had resulted in the displacement of several community members. The Mpur also asked the GKI-TP to discuss the rejection of the company with the Regent of Tambrauw Regency. On 31 October 2017, the board of GKI-TP Kebar presbytery and the JPIC desk shared the Mpur Tribe’s concerns with the Regent, Mr. Gabriel Asem. According to the regent, PT BAPP had decided to build a corn plantation because the initial proposal for the establishment of a palm oil plantation was rejected by the local government of Tambrauw Regency.
The regent approved the project until 2017 with the consideration that the plantation would create job opportunities and bring welfare for the local communities. On 17 November 2017, the Mpur tribe organized a customary consultation meeting, bringing together 105 participants, consisting of heads of clans and sub-clans as well as community members. The outcome of the meeting was a statement on the rejection of PT Bapp and its corn plantation. The statement was signed by 44 indigenous leaders of the clans Wasabiti, Amawi, Wanimeri, Arumi Kebar and Ariks residing in the Kebar Valley.

Therefore, I respectfully request you to ensure that the Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa Company (PT. Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa - PT. BAPP) holds a dialogue with the customary land rights holders, the Mpur Tribe in Tambrauw Regency, West Papua province. The government should protect and respect the customary land rights holders and settle the problem fairly and transparently without undue delay. The National Commission on Human Rights and the Agency for Victims and Witness Protection must monitor the case and ensure that the Company obeys human rights standards and principles.
I look forward to your prompt action in this matter.
Yours Sincerely,
……………….
PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:
1. Mr. Joko Widodo
President of the Republic of Indonesia
Jl. Veteran No. 16
Jakarta Pusat
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 3458 595
Fax: +62 21 3484 4759
E-mail: webmaster@setneg.go.id

2. Mr. Yasonna Laoly
Minister of Law and Human Rights
Jl. HR Rasuna Said Kav. 6–7
Kuningan, Jakarta 12940
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 525 3006, 525 3889
Fax: +62 21 525 3095

3. Dr. Mualimin Abdi SH., MH
Director General of Human Rights
Office of the Director General of Human Rights
Jl. HR Rasuna Said Kav. 6–7
Kuningan, Jakarta 12940
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 5253006
Fax: +62 21 5253095

4. General Pol. Drs. H.M. Tito Karnavian, M.A., Ph.D
Chief of National Police (KAPOLRI)
Jl. Trunojoyo No. 3 KebayoranBaru, Jakarta Selatan 12110
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 384 8537, 726 0306
Fax: +62 21 7220 669
E-mail: info@polri.go.id

5. Ms. Poengky Indarti
Commissioner of the National Police Commission
Jl. Tirtayasa VII No. 20
KebayoranBaru, Jakarta Selatan
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 739 2315
Fax: +62 21 739 2352
E-mail: secretariat@kompolnas.go.idskm@kompolnas.go.id

6. Professor. Amzulian Rifai S.H, LL.M, PhD
Chairperson of Ombudsman of Republic of Indonesia 
Jl. HR. Rasuna Said Kav. C-19 Kuningan (GedungPengadilan TIPIKOR) Jakarta Selatan
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 52960894/95
Fax: +62 21-52960904/05

7. Mr. Kahar Muzakir
Chairperson of the Commission III of The House of Representative 
Ketua Komisi III DPR RI 
Gedung Nusantara II DPR RI, Lt I
JalanJenderalGatotSubroto, Jakarta,
INDONESIA
Telp : +62 21 -5715566, +62 21-5715569, +62 21-5715864
Fax : +62 21 5715566

8. Mr. Agus Rahardjo
Chairperson of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK)
Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK)
Jln. Kuningan Persada Kav. 4. Jakarta Selatan 12950
INDONESIA 
Telp : +62 21 2557 8300
Fax : +62 21 5289 2456

9. Mr. Abdul Haris Semendawai
Chairperson of the Agency for Victims and Witness Protection 
Lembaga Perlindungan Saksi dan Korban (LPSK) 
Jalan Raya Bogor KM. 24 No. 47-49, Susukan, Ciracas, RT.6/RW.1, Susukan, Ciracas, Kota Jakarta Timur, Daerah Khusus Ibukota Jakarta 13750
Tel: +62 21 29681560
Fax: +62 21 29681551 / +62 21 29681557

10. Mr. Ahmad Taufan Damanik 
Chairperson of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM)
Jl. Latuharhary No. 4-B
Jakarta 10310
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 392 5227-30
Fax: +62 21 392 5227
E-mail: info@komnas.go.id

11. Mr. HM Prasetyo
Attorney General of Republic of Indonesia 
Kejaksaan Agung RI 
Jl. Sultan Hasanuddin No. 1 
Jakarta Selatan 
INDONESIA 
Tel: + 62 21 7221337 , 7397602 
Fax: + 62 21 7250213

Thank you.
Urgent Appeals Program
Asian Human Rights Commission (ua@ahrc.asia)
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Thank you.

Urgent Appeals Programme 
Asian Human Rights Commission (ua@ahrc.asia)
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1) Why is New Zealand and the world turning its back on human rights abuses in West Papua?

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2) Govt unhappy with Rumbiak’s comment
3) Grasberg’s waste management, has “always been controversial” : Freeport’s CEO

4) In conversation: Indonesian sectarianism
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1) Why is New Zealand and the world turning its back on human rights abuses in West Papua? 
11:32am 
 Barbara Dreaver  1 NEWS Pacific Correspondent

Over the years, many graphic and violent images of torture and beatings have emerged from the Indonesia-controlled Melanesian island of West Papua.


video footage
Pacific Correspondent Barbara Dreaver looks into the abuse of West Papuans by Indonesia. 
Source: 1 NEWS

News agencies and social media groups across the world have reported the alleged human rights abuses of the island’s native population by Indonesian soldiers.
Yet, the international community continues to ignore the plight of the West Papuan people.
Pacific Correspondent Barbara Dreaver has covered the story of the West Papuan fight for independence from Indonesia for many years.
In this piece, she explores the reasons why Indonesia clings tightly to power of the island and shuts the rest of the world out, denying access to the island and its people.
She also looks at the close relationship New Zealand has with Indonesia, one our country’s strongest allies and trade partners.
Reporter: Barbara Dreaver  Produced by: Natalia Sutherland
Edited by: Luis G. Portillo
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2) Govt unhappy with Rumbiak’s comment
06 June 2018  Author  Editor


The Government has expressed dismay at attempts by West Papualeader Jacob Rumbiak, to interfere and meddle in the country’s national affairs.
In a statement on Tuesday the Solomon Islands Democratic Coalition for Change Government (SIDCCG) said it strongly disproves the action of Mr Rumbiak.

It disputed the allegations, opinions, and interference by Mr Rumbiak in our national affairs, politics and foreign policies of Solomon Islands, a sovereign State, through the media. 

“Mr Rumbiak’s comments were purposely made to incite division in the leadership of the SIDCCG that is based on the issue of West Papua,” the statement added. 

“This misguided intent by a foreigner to attempt to divide and undermine the standing and solidarity of a legitimate government through the media will not succeed,” the statement said.

“Mr Rumbiak has no right to tell the people of Solomon Islands who should be their Prime Minister, nor does he has the right to determine who the Prime Minister of Solomon Islands should be.”

Solomon Islands is a sovereign nation and only Solomon Islanders can determine who should be their Prime Minister and that can only happen through the democratic election process, the statement added.

“If he thinks that he can come secretly into Solomon Islands when the Prime Minister is out of the country, purposely to create division and disharmony in the Government and amongst Solomon Islanders, then he better think again,” it said.

The statement added Solomon Islands has diplomatic relations with the Republic of Indonesia which was formalized in July 1983. 

“A Solomon Islands Diplomatic Mission was established in Jakarta on 5 August, 2014. This Mission was operational during the previous DCCG government, continuing on with the present SIDCCG government.” 

It added that as an upstanding member of the United Nations, Solomon Islands upholds the tenets of international relations enshrined in the United Nations Charter, including those on respect of sovereignty and non-interference.  

“Solomon Islands has always acknowledged that West Papua is an integral part of Indonesia.  Solomon Islands also acknowledges that West Papua is one of five Melanesian regions in Indonesia.

“Solomon Islands will continue to pursue issues concerning West Papua through both the relevant national mechanisms in Indonesia as well as at the relevant international institutions and forums, as and when appropriate.” 

The statement said SIDCCG’s foreign policies will continue to be guided and determined by Solomon Islands’ own national interest and those of its peoples. 

“As a sovereign nation, Solomon Islands will continue to vigorously protect these interests. 

“The Solomon Islands Government will not allow these interests to be usurped and dictated by foreign individuals like Jacob Rumbiak,” it said.
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3) Grasberg’s waste management, has “always been controversial” : Freeport’s CEO
Published 21 hours ago on 6 June 2018 By admin
Jayapura, Jubi – Every year, Freeport-McMoRan Inc. dumps tens of millions of tons of mining waste into the Ajkwa River system in Indonesia. The company has been doing it for decades, and is demanding the right to keep at it for decades to come.
The discharge of what are called tailings, the leftovers of mineral extraction, is perfectly legal under Freeport’s current contract with the government. But recently, after more than a year of tense negotiations over the terms of a new deal, Indonesia suddenly changed the rules: The Grasberg mine in the highlands of Papua province would have to operate by heightened standards. It shouldn’t have been a surprise, really, considering most every other miner in the world has been forced or has elected to stop discarding tailings in rivers.
Freeport, though, has said that won’t happen at Grasberg. Chief Executive Officer Richard Adkerson has been blunt about it. “You can’t put the genie back in the bottle,” he said in April. “You simply can’t say 20 years later ‘we’re going to change the whole structure’.” Grasberg’s waste management, he added, has “always been controversial.”
The tailings tussle is the latest twist in the complicated relationship between the mining giant and the Southeast Asian republic. How it plays out will have far-reaching consequences in Indonesia. Freeport is a major taxpayer and job provider and has built homes, schools and hospitals in one of the poorest provinces. But Grasberg has also long been a target for environmentalists, indigenous and separatist groups and human-rights watchdogs.
At stake for Freeport are reserves that Bloomberg Intelligence estimates to be worth $14 billion at the world’s biggest gold deposit and second-largest copper mine. Grasberg accounted for 47 percent of Freeport’s operating income in 2017, according to data compiled by Bloomberg.
“What happens at Grasberg has global significance,” said Payal Sampat, the mining program director at the mining watchdog-group Earthworks. “It involves some of the largest global players in the mining industry and one of the leading mining economies.”
Most countries have banned tailings deposits in waterways over concerns they can be toxic, destroying habitats, suffocating vegetation and changing the topography of rivers, causing floods. Most miners have said they’re against the practice regardless of local rules. The industry’s biggest, BHP Billiton Ltd., won’t “dispose of mined waste rock or tailings into a river or marine environment,” as the company put it in a statement.

‘Environmental Burden’

Only two other industrial-scale mines — and a third, small operation — are known to get rid of tailings as Grasberg does, and they’re in Papua New Guinea, which occupies half of the island of New Guinea; Indonesia owns the rest, which is home to the Freeport-run mine. In recognition of risks that could leave “a massive environmental burden for future generations,” the practice has been phased out everywhere else, according to the United Nations’ International Maritime Organization.

Freeport sees things differently. “As we have stated before, the tailings are benign,” said Eric E. Kinneberg, a spokesman, referring to the corporate website for a detailed explanation.
The Phoenix-based company maintains that much of the sediment in the Ajkwa River system downstream from Grasberg is caused by natural erosion, and that tailings pose no significant — or at least unexpected — threats. “There have been no human health issues or impact on the environment that wasn’t anticipated,” Adkerson said on a quarterly earnings call in April.
The company’s partner in the Grasberg complex, Rio Tinto Group, recently addressed concerns about waste removal. “Riverine tailings disposal is very, very far from best practice,” Chairman Simon Thompson told a meeting in London in April, perhaps highlighting one of the reasons Rio may be willing to sell its 40 percent interest to a state-owned company for $3.5 billion. A spokesman for the company declined to comment for this story.
Rio declined 1.4 percent in Sydney trading, as an index of the country’s largest energy and mining companies fell 1.2 percent.

‘No Realistic Alternative’

“If you think about it from Rio Tinto’s perspective, one of the biggest problems with this mine is the environmental issues. I think that’s an incentive for Rio to get out,” said Christopher LaFemina, an analyst at Jefferies LLC. “This is a critically important part of Freeport’s overall value. For Rio Tinto, it’s not.”
The problem for Freeport and Indonesia is that there’s no easy solution. “There has been no realistic alternative identified,” Thompson said. Freeport’s local unit studied 14 alternatives for tailings disposal — including dams and pipelines — and concluded all were too risky in a mountainous terrain prone to earthquakes and heavy rainfall.
As it is, the heavy ooze wends its way through glacier-capped valleys, descending almost 4 kilometers (2.5 miles) to tropical lowlands and a 230 square kilometer deposition zone, where roughly half the tailings are parked. The rest flows on to a river estuary and the Arafura Sea.
“The company has sacrificed not just the river, but also the coastal area,” said Pius Ginting, coordinator of Action for Ecology and People’s Emancipation, an Indonesian environmental group.

50 Million Tons

According to Earthworks, Freeport sends more than 76 million metric tons of tailings and waste rock into Indonesian rivers every year. The company puts the 2017 figure at 50 million tons. Without spelling out precisely how the requirement should be met, Indonesia told Freeport that it would boost to 95 percent from half the amount of tailings that must be recovered from the river system, according to Adkerson.
That was a shock that sent Freeport’s stock tumbling after Adkerson revealed it on April 24. Shares have largely recovered as investors bet the government will fail to follow through.
The negotiations to secure the right to keep mining Grasberg until 2041 had already been complicated by an edict that foreign miners sell majority stakes in their assets to local interests. Rio’s apparent interest in divesting would ease that problem for Freeport, reducing how much it would need to unload.

Stunning Asset

Even if its share dropped below 50 percent, Freeport as an operator could still win big — Grasberg is a stunning asset, expected to produce more than 520,000 tons of copper in 2018 and more gold than any other mine. Of course, Indonesia’s tailings mandate may be a negotiating tactic, as some Freeport investors said they suspect. Ilyas Asaad, inspector general at Indonesia’s Environment & Forestry Ministry, didn’t respond to a request for comment.
The company is holding its position: The discharge of tailings into the river system is an inescapable consequence of keeping the mine in operation. If the government backs down, it will be “a political decision,” said David Chambers, a geophysicist who runs the U.S. nonprofit Center for Science in Public Participation. “There aren’t many governments that are willing to sacrifice those kinds of environmental resources for the financial resources.”
Few investors have publicly seized on the tailings mess as a reason to shun Freeport. One was Norway’s $1 trillion sovereign wealth fund, which in 2006 excluded Freeport from its investment universe and in 2008 sold its holding of about $850 million of Rio shares, citing Grasberg’s use of the river system to dispose of tailings.
“The spotlight has shone on these issues a lot more brightly in the last couple of years,” said Andrew Preston, head of corporate governance in Australia for Aberdeen Standard Investments, which owns shares in Rio and BHP. The “wake-up call,” Preston said, was the 2015 failure of a tailings dam at BHP’s Samarco iron-ore joint venture with Vale SA in Brazil. Billions of gallons of sludge escaped to travel hundreds of kilometers down the Doce river, killing at least 19 people and leaving hundreds homeless.
Jefferies’ LaFemina said investors are betting on the status quo in Indonesia. “In negotiations, different sides are trying to get leverage.” In the end, “I am not expecting there to be a significant change to how this asset operates.”
By Danielle Bochove and David Stringer


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4) In conversation: Indonesian sectarianism
BY Matthew Busch
6 June 2018 12:00 AEDT

What are we to make of the relationship between religion and politics in Indonesia? Is Indonesia becoming more intolerant, or is intolerance becoming a more politically mainstream tactic?
Following the mass rallies against then Jakarta Governor Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama in late 2016, and his subsequent conviction and imprisonment for blasphemy in 2017, it seemed that Islamic-inspired mobilisations and exclusivist politics would become a primary feature of a more confrontational and less democratic Indonesian politics.
This has yet to fully come to pass, however, and it is an open question whether such tactics will be successful in elections later this month, or during the 2019 general elections.
I discussed these issues with Asia Foundation Country Representative to Indonesia Sandra Hamid and Habibie Center Executive Director Rahimah “Ima” Abdulrahim during a series of events in SydneyCanberra, and Melbourne during 22–24 May. These events and their visit were generously supported by a grant from the Australia-Indonesia Institute.
Throughout the discussions, the panellists emphasised the importance of thinking about these issues in nuanced, evidence-driven ways. Sandra Hamid cautioned against interpolating too much from the scale of the anti-Ahok mobilisations:
If you are asking if the mass mobilisation is an indication of the rising intolerance, I think we are not looking at intolerance in a useful way, if you like. There are many surveys looking at intolerance in Indonesia, [asking questions such as] ‘Would you be willing to have a non-Muslim as your leader?’ That is what we need to be thinking about when we talk about the rising or falling of intolerance, rather than looking at mass movement.

The different conclusion is that this is going to be the feature of all elections in Indonesia, and this is not necessarily true either … In some areas it is already very clear that [those promoting sectarian politics] are not gaining ground. In [the June 2018 gubernatorial election in] Central Java, for example, Ganjar [Pranowo] is still very high [in opinion polls] compared with [his opponent] Sudirman Said, who is clearly using the same tactics. It is not as simple as that, and to see that as the barometer [of whether] Indonesians have gone into a dangerously intolerant movement – that is not useful. 
Ima Abdulrahim agreed, arguing that there were a variety of factors at play in Jakarta during late 2016:
You had a lot of people that came to the rally not really because of hatred of Ahok, but because their neighbour invited them. How they were invited was [with the question], ‘Do you love Islam, and do you love the Quran?’, and they went there because of that and not because of being anti-others, but because they wanted to show their love for their religion. I have spoken to people who went because it was a nice day for a picnic. Some were from small businesses whose owners support this and who told them to take the day off and go to the rally. You had a mixture of a lot of things, and definitely it is not an indication of what is happening. We have this habit of looking at intolerance as a Muslim/non-Muslim issue, but the issue of race is often overlooked in the recent discussions.
In the wake of these events, the government has sometimes chosen to present intolerance as a matter of poverty and inequality, but as Hamid pointed out, much evidence suggests that intolerant views are mostly on the rise among middle-class citizens:
What can Jokowi say? Blaming the economy is the easiest thing to do, but we know there are so many other things. How about the quality of Indonesian education, that we know does not promote critical thinking? You can graduate from university and have an important position in a company, and these are the people that are captured in the surveys as the middle-class people that hold intolerant views. One of the things is education, it is not only about poverty. They may be educated, but not really.
This also creates challenges for how to respond, as heavy-handed responses to intolerance, especially in a democratic society, risk alienating citizens on both sides. As Hamid described, with respect to a government-led effort to compile and publicise a list of approved preachers:
This is really in the eye of the beholder … the ones that are actually promoting intolerance are using hate speech to mobilise people, and the government hasn’t done anything vis-à-vis them, they are actually happy to see a more involved [government] and decisive decisions [made by the government]. I’ll give you an example. The Ministry of Religious Affairs issued a list of preachers that they think are good preachers. How do you have good preachers? These are the safe preachers. And then, of course, the other side gives a list: ‘These are the popular preachers that didn’t make it to the list’. And others would say, ‘Yes, these are the people that didn’t make it to the list because they are radicals’. But, what [should be] the government’s role? What are the parameters for a certain preacher [to not make the list]?
Across the events, the question of the government’s role in responding to hate speech and intolerance was an issue of spirited debate, with the panellists presenting different perspectives. Abdulrahim, while criticising the current approach, did believe there was a government role for transparency and certification:
On this question of certification of [religious leaders], for me it is not that you have to have a license to preach, but [that the certification can act] as an education and public awareness [tool, indicating] this ulema has a background in religious affairs and has the credentials to speak.

They have just released a list of 200 names that they consider good. And, again, that criteria of ‘good’ is sketchy. But, when the list came out, those that from our perspective are preaching intolerance, they see themselves now as victims, as marginalised. So, they say, ‘See, this is what the government [has done]’. And that is how they are trying to build influence and gather more supporters – by playing victim. Actually, a lot of the radical groups are now using democratic tools to say, ‘We are the ones being marginalised’. Again, this is why President Jokowi is [portrayed] as anti-Islam. The banning of Hizbut ut-Tahrir was seen as something [akin to] victimising Islam. So, heavy-handed responses are something we cannot use, because then you have a very fine line of who is actually in the right, and who is good and who is bad, and who ends up on the list.

My idea is something that is transparent, and not saying good or bad, but knowing where a person is coming from … whether they were in pesantren [boarding school] X, Y, or Z, where they went to university. My concern is how ‘fake ulema’ target upper middle-class women’s study circles. They are charming, and they can recite a few verses, but then when they speak it does not come from authority, and actually they are spewing something that is contrary to the teachings of Islam. A certification mechanism that is transparent and accountable, not saying who is good and who bad, but so that people who want to hire someone to come and speak to their group can know what their credentials are. We do that for our teachers, why can’t we do that for the people who are teaching us moral values?
(Passages have been paraphrased and edited for clarity and structure. Discussions on the same topic across two events have been combined.)
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Presidential Palace to Ponder Freeport Divestment Price

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Presidential Palace to Ponder Freeport Divestment Price

Posted On 07 Jun 2018By : Leo Jegho Comment: 0Tag: Divestment, Freeport, Inalum, Indonesia, news


Current Indonesian laws, which followed the rising tide of economic nationalism, oblige foreign-owned mining firms to divest 51 percent of their projects to the government.





Freeport’s Grasberg mine in Papua. (Photo source: Kompas/Agus Susanto)


Jakarta, GIVnews.com – President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo has reportedly received a proposal on the purchase price for Rio Tinto’s 40 percent participating interest in a giant copper and gold mining project in Papua. Owned by PT Freeport Indonesia (PTFI), the Grasberg pit is the world’s largest gold mine and third largest copper mine.
While different unconfirmed price figures had filled the air over the past days, Kontan.co.idreported on Wednesday (6/6) that Rio Tinto had proposed US$5 billion for the 40-percent stake being offered to the Indonesian government.
PTFI is a subsidiary of US-based mining giant Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. Meanwhile, Rio Tinto is an Australian-British multinational and one of the world’s largest metals and mining corporation.
Quoting an unidentified source, Kontan.co.id mentioned that State Enterprises Minister Rini Soemarno had submitted Rio Tinto’s price proposal to the President. The source reportedly also said that Maritime Affairs Coordinating Minister Luhut Panjaitan viewed the proposed $5 billion as too high. That amount is much higher than the potential $3.5 billion purchase price previously reported by Reuters.
But, Fajar Harry Sampurno, State-owned Enterprises Ministry’s mining and strategic industry deputy, denied that Rio Tinto had proposed $5 billion for its interest in Grasberg. While not mentioning the actual price proposed, Fajar Harry only said that the State Palace would discuss that matter. “And the President will decide whether or not to accept (the proposal),” the official told Kontan.co.id.
The government had appointed state-owned mining holding company PT Indonesia Asahan Aluminium (Inalum) to negotiate with PTFI and Rio Tinto on the 40-percent stake. That move is part of an agreement for Indonesia to acquire 51 percent state in Grasberg mine through PT Inalum.
Meanwhile, it had been decided that transaction for Rio Tinto’s 40 percent interest will take place by 2019. Current Indonesian laws, which followed the rising tide of economic nationalism, oblige foreign-owned mining firms to divest 51 percent of their projects to the Indonesian government.
You may also be interested in this article: Digging the World’s Largest Gold Mine, What is Freeport?
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1) Health working group campaign established to overcome measles and rubella in Papua

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 2) 

Indonesia Backpedals on Accountability for Past Atrocities
3) Local community must stop selling the land, says local legislator

4) Indonesia elected non-permanent member of UNSC

5) Papua House of Representatives will promote Ambaidiru coffee
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1) Health working group campaign established to overcome measles and rubella in Papua
Published 18 hours ago on 8 June 2018 By admin

                                                            Immunisation program in West Papua – Jubi
Jayapura, Jubi – Papua still face a problem with immunisation program. The comprehensive primary immunisation is under the national target; it is 80% in the most districts. Even in some districts that considerably intense immunisation program, the Universal Child Immunization (UCI) rate is still lesser than 80%.
The Head of Papua Health Office dr. Aloysius Giyai explained this after opening the cross-sectoral meeting in the launch of Measles and Rubella Campaign Phase II of Papua Province at Grand Abe Hotel, Jayapura on this week.

“The Rubella Measles Campaign in Papua is targeting about one million nine-month infants and under 15-year-old children. Our goal to reach the community immunity should be over 95%,” he said.
Meanwhile, Ani Rumbiak, the Special Staff Member of Papua’s Governor for Human Resources, said many villages have a problem to obtain the thorough immunisation program due to the access to health services.
“The obstacles are geographical access, health and logistics personnel. Sometimes parents also become a constraint when they do not bring their children to get an immunisation,” she said. (*)
Reporter: Agus Pabika
Editor: Pipit Maizier



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 2) 

Indonesia Backpedals on Accountability for Past Atrocities

Attorney General Dismisses Rights Commission Report as ‘Opinions and Assumptions’

Deputy Director, Asia Division


The Indonesian government is backing away from commitments to provideaccountability for grave past human rights abuses.

Indonesia’s Attorney General H.M. Prasetyo dismissed a report on past rights abuses compiled by the official National Commission on Human Rights and submitted to his office as “opinions and assumptions.” Prasetyo also noted the difficulties in investigating decades’ old cases, including that witnesses and perpetrators may no longer be alive, but said nothing about overcoming those obstacles and achieving justice for the victims and their families. More than anything else, this speaks volumes about the government’s lack of enthusiasm for pursuing accountability for past atrocities.


The government has been silent on plans announced in May 2015 for a “reconciliation commission” that would pursue a “permanent solution for all unresolved human rights abuses” of the past half-century. Those abuses include the government-orchestrated massacres of 1965-66 that resulted in up to one million deaths, violations by government security forces in the restive provinces of Papua and West Papua, and a campaign of extrajudicial killings linked to security forces between 1982 and 1985 known as the Petrus shootings.

President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo had originally assigned his then-security minister, Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, to oversee that process. But Jokowi’s replacement of Pandjaitan in July 2016 with former general Wiranto, who was indicted for crimes against humanity in East Timor by a United Nations-sponsored tribunal, has fueled doubts about his government’s commitment to the accountability process.


Jokowi supporters have told Human Rights Watch that in the run-up to the presidential elections in 2019, the president should avoid potentially divisive issues such as accountability for past human rights abuses. But this ignores the importance for victims and the rule of law of holding those most responsible for serious crimes to account. Jokowi should instead recognize that he has a historic opportunity to start the process of bringing meaningful justice to the huge number of Indonesians affected by past rights violations and direct his attorney-general to facilitate that process rather than bemoan its challenges.

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3) Local community must stop selling the land, says local legislator
Published 16 hours ago on 8 June 2018 By admin

Merauke, Jubi – A member of the Regional House of Representatives of Merauke Agency Hendrikus Hengky Ndiken appealed indigenous Papuans in Merauke on Wednesday (6/6/2018) to not selling the land anymore because it is the only assets of the Marind tribe.
“We should consider our children. If all land sold, what would left for future generation?” he asked.
Furthermore, he said customary leaders should play a role to remind people to not selling the land. He also asked the local community to no longer digging and mining the sand. “It can be noticed there are big holes everywhere in the mining areas flooded with seawater during the high tide.”
“For instance, the mining area in Kampung Urumb and surrounding areas where the sand excavation increasingly occurred. People better use the land for farming,” he added.
Meanwhile, the Unit Head of Merauke Civil Service Police Elyas Refra said his office conducts routine scrutiny on illegal sand mining. “Indeed, in some places, sand mining has occurred. We are persuasively approaching people to not digging the sand anymore because it is very hazardous and has an impact on the environment,” he said. (*)
 
Reporter: Frans L Kobun
Editor: Pipit Maizier

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4) Indonesia elected non-permanent member of UNSC
Reporter:  
Jakarta (ANTARA News) - Indonesia was elected a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for a two-year term on Friday.

"Alhamdulillah (praise be to God), during the UN General Assembly, Indonesia was elected as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council representing the Asia-Pacific Group to replace Kazahkstan, which will conclude its terms at the end of 2018," the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Retno Marsudi, said in a video conference live from New York.

Indonesia won 144 votes to beat the Maldives, 46 votes, for the one seat allocated to the Asia-pacific group. As many as 190 member-states of the UN voted in the election; only 126 votes, or two-thirds, were required to win.

The President of the 72nd Session of the UN General Assembly, Miroslav Lajcak, announced that Indonesia was elected a non-permanent member of the UNSC for 2019-2020 along with South Africa from the African Group; the Dominican Republic from the Latin American and Caribbean Group; and Belgium and Germany from the Western European and Others Group.

Indonesia has held the seat earlier in 1973-1974, 1995-1996, and 2007-2008.

The Security Council has 15 members -- five permanent (United States, United Kingdom, France, Russia, and China) and 10 non-permanent serving for two years. 
Editor: Bambang Purwanto
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5) Papua House of Representatives will promote Ambaidiru coffee
Published 16 hours ago on 8 June 2018 By admin

Jayapura, Jubi – The Secretary of the Papua House of Representatives Juliana J Waromi said the house is ready to help the community of Ambaidiru Village, Kosiwo Sub-district, Yapen Islands District to promote their coffee.

She said she and several legislators visited the 60 hectares Ambaidiru coffee plantation area a few days ago in response to the aspiration of the local community. “I want to see it directly. If it’s good, I will help them to find a market. Based on my experience working with the Investment Coordination Board Papua for three years, I could promote the coffee to abroad,” said Waromi on (5/6/2018).
A coffee farmer Yulianus Maniamboy recently told Jubi that the coffee plantation in Ambaidiru firstly introduced in the Dutch era. The Dutch tried to plant it and worked. Ambaidiru coffee is now over 50 years old.
“Instead of in groups, we manage our commodity individually. Farmers dry their coffee by their own. There is no control, not centralised and consequently, the quality of coffee is still very varied. However, in the past years, we could produce a ton of coffee per month. That’s because there was no disruption and the management of the cooperative was good,” he said. (*)
 Reporter: Arjuna Pademme
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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Summary of events in West Papua (13 May 2018-11 June)

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Australia West Papua Association (Sydney)


Summary of events in West Papua  (13  May 2018-11 June)





The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) released an urgent action (5June) regarding a customary land dispute between Bintuni Agro Prima Perkasa Company and the Mpur Tribe in Tambrauw Regency, West Papua province. The AHRC makes it easy for people to respond to their U/A’s. http://www.ahrchk.org/ruleoflawasia.net/news.php?id=AHRC-UAC-035-2018



Timika 

A facebook posting has  reported that yesterday,  Sunday 10th June 5 civilians have been arrested in SP. 5 in the district of Iwaka Kampung around 11:00am Timika time. This afternoon at 4:00pm Timika time, a massive sweeping by Indonesian military and police forces are undergoing in the area of SP. 2 in the district of Timika Jaya. More civilians have fled into the near by bushes including my family.  More up to date information  will be posted as comes to light (on daily lists).



In a written submission to the 38th Regular Session of the UN Human Rights Council, the Asian Legal Resource Centre reported on the situation of extrajudicial executions (summary executions) in Indonesia. In its statement the ALRC said “The recurrence of extrajudicial executions in Indonesia is largely due to the impunity enjoyed by the offenders, especially if they are part of the police or military institutions”.


From the ALRC press release (30 May) 

In view of the above situation, the ALRC requests the UN Human Rights Council to undertake studies to assess the root causes of extrajudicial executions in Indonesia. The Council should not merely work with the Indonesian government, but should also work and support the Indonesian civil society at large in dealing with recurrence and massive extrajudicial executions in Indonesia. The Council should put pressures on the government of Indonesia so that the State officially invites and cooperates with the UN Special Rapporteur on Extra-judicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Executions. http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1805/S00190/indonesia-summary-executions-recurring-with-impunity.htm




Shift in Solomon Islands government's view on Papua

RNZI reported (23 May) that a leading foreign affairs official from the Solomon Islands government said it's now seeing a balanced picture on Indonesia's Papua region.


                                                      Solomon Islands parliament Photo: RNZ/ Koroi Hawkins


According to the report the SI Government is consulting with the provinces as it formulates an official position on West Papuan human rights and self-determination issues following  a visit by a Solomons government-led delegation to Indonesia's provinces of Papua and West Papua at the invitation of Jakarta.


From the report

The Solomons' Special Secretary on Foreign Relations, Rence Sore, was one of the government officials in the delegation. He said the visit was aimed at achieving a balanced picture of what's going on in Papua. "Before we went we had been listening to the other side of the story. And the story we heard, we were always hearing at that time, was there's always human rights abuse, there's always fighting for independence, someone is being killed and all that. It's one-sided, all one-sided." Rence Sore said that when they went to Papua region, the story was entirely different.

He said that for now the government had yet to decide on its official position regarding West Papua and Papua provinces. "We're trying to give the government a good picture. Both sides of the coin we have to tell the government, and the government independently makes that policy decision."

The delegation's visit and resulting report were indications that the Solomon Islands government, under prime minister Rick Hou, was approaching a different stand on Papua to that of the previous prime minister Manasseh Sogavare.


Mr Sogavare, who is now the deputy prime minister, campaigned internationally about West Papuan human rights issues. He was also supportive of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua, and instrumental in its admission to the Melanesian Spearhead Group in 2015.

The Liberation Movement, which Indonesia's government opposes, last month voiced disappointment that it wasn't notified by Solomon Islands about the delegation's visit.

Mr Sore, who said his government consulted with Indonesian authorities for the visit, noted the Liberation Movement's strong connections with civil society organisations in Solomon Islands.

"And to some extent, that strong connection also was with the previous Solomon Islands leadership, government, prime minister. "We went (to Indonesia) with authorisation from the current prime minister, and official authorities were notified.

However Mr Sore would not be drawn on whether the Hou-led government had shifted position on Papua. "That decision is not yet formal. It depends entirely on the report. We did a report when we came back, and we are still doing the consultations on the policy. That policy will go through the government cabinet.”  

https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/358029/shift-in-solomon-islands-government-s-view-on-papua


In a previous report (8 May) RNZI reported that a leader of a Solomon Islands civil society organisation saying  there should have been more transparency around a government-led delegation's visit to West Papua last month, a leader of Solomon Islands civil society says.


The Solomon Star reports Development Service Exchange (DSE) spokesperson Jennifer Wate made the comment while rejecting any involvement in the trip.

This is despite DSE chairperson, Inia Barry, being among several from civil society organisations who went along on the visit which was hosted by Indonesia. Ms Wate said her organisation had found out about the trip the evening before the delegation's departure for West Papua. The DSE did not endorse Mr Barry or any of the other civil society representatives who took part in the West Papua visit, she said Ms Wate maintained her organisation was not aware of any details of the trip or its terms of reference and she called on the Solomon Islands government in the future to formally approach the DSE on matters that required civil sector representation. Ms Wate also admonished the government for not informing civil society groups in West Papua ahead of their trip.   https://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/356849/west-papua-visit-lacked-transparency-says-solomons-group

In response to the Solomon Islands delegation’s visit to West Papua , the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) spokesperson Jacob Rumbiak  described the recent seven-person delegation from Solomon Islands to West Papua as ‘a visitation by robbers’.

From Jubi report 29 May 

Speaking during his meeting with SICA General Secretary Holmes Saeve Monday, Rumbiak said a summary of Chekana’s account of their trip given by Holmes highlighting that the West Papuan people are not united is ‘very misleading’.

“I bring voice from inside West Papua as the delegation that recently visited West Papua was like robbers. They came and hid and never met with the people struggling for their right. “I think they are blind and they do not know what we already have set up.” He said ULMWP is the answer to their report as they have a Federal Republic of West Papua, a 14 political organisation affiliating with the Federal Republic, six organisations affiliating with West Papuan National Coalition for Liberation, six affiliating with the National Parliament of West Papua being 26 West Papuan organisations already inside.And the United Liberation Movement for West Papua is a West Papua national political body.  http://tabloidjubi.com/eng/solomon-islands-delegation-visit-to-west-papua-is-a-visitation-by-robbers/





Australian green party conference passes resolution to support self determination for West Papua



The Australian green party has endorsed a resolution on West Papua at their national conference in Brisbane on May 20, 2018, as follows:


That the National Conference of the Green Party, Australia:

Reaffirm our commitment to West Papuan self-determination;
Recognizes United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) as representative of West Papuan political aspirations;
Supports West Papua to be re-registered on the UN Decolonisation list at the UN General Assembly 2019;
Requests full disclosure of Australian assistance provided to the police and military of Indonesia used in West Papua, including the Joint Center for Law Enforcement Cooperation, Special Detachment 88 and TNI;
Asks the Indonesian government to respect the West Papuan human rights, including press freedom and freedom of expression;

 Requests that foreign journalists access to West Papua be opened.

Rational:
As a result of a workshop / presentation held at the National Conference, a consensus-approved Green Australia Member to approve an urgent resolution of West Papua.

Speakers at this workshop / presentation are:
 Dr. Jacob Rumbiak (ULMWP)
Veronica Koman (Indonesian human rights lawyer)
Jason MacLeod (activist educator, organiser, researcher)
Senator Richard at Natale and Andrew Bartlett (Green party)







West Papua speaking tour




Congratulations to all involved in the West Papua speaking tour. Events includedtalks in Brisbane, Caloundra, Sydney, Melbourne, Geelong and Canberra. The tour was supported by  Pasifika, Amnesty International Australia, NCCA, and the Catholic Justice an d Peace Commission of Brisbane. More information will follow on a campaign to secure a moratorium on Australian Government assistance to the Indonesian security forces in West Papua.

Photos of Sydney event at http://awpasydneynews.blogspot.com.au/2018/05/photos-west-papua-speaking-tour-sydney.html




Two other inspiring and informative events occurred in Sydney.  

Women Decolonising Melanesia lecture  (23 May) at the State Library of NSW,  and the  Women Decolonising Melanesia: Workshop (24 May) at Uni of Western Sydney Parramatta City Campus. 
The events were hosted by the Sydney Pacific Studies Network (University of Sydney) in conjunction with the Oceania Network (Western Sydney University). 

Kanaky (New Caledonia) will hold a referendum on Independence in November. A TRT World report at  
Kanaky (New Caledonia) will hold a referendum on Independence in November. A TRT World report at  https://www.trtworld.com/video/social-videos/new-caledonias-independence-referendum/5af3003848573b07fb6616de

Presidential Palace to Ponder Freeport Divestment Price

07 Jun 2018 By : Leo Jegho 

Current Indonesian laws, which followed the rising tide of economic nationalism, oblige foreign-owned mining firms to divest 51 percent of their projects to the government.

Jakarta, GIVnews.com – President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo has reportedly received a proposal on the purchase price for Rio Tinto’s 40 percent participating interest in a giant copper and gold mining project in Papua. Owned by PT Freeport Indonesia (PTFI), the Grasberg pit is the world’s largest gold mine and third largest copper mine. While different unconfirmed price figures had filled the air over the past days, Kontan.co.idreported on Wednesday (6/6) that Rio Tinto had proposed US$5 billion for the 40-percent stake being offered to the Indonesian government.


PTFI is a subsidiary of US-based mining giant Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. Meanwhile, Rio Tinto is an Australian-British multinational and one of the world’s largest metals and mining corporation.

Quoting an unidentified source, Kontan.co.id mentioned that State Enterprises Minister Rini Soemarno had submitted Rio Tinto’s price proposal to the President. The source reportedly also said that Maritime Affairs Coordinating Minister Luhut Panjaitan viewed the proposed $5 billion as too high. That amount is much higher than the potential $3.5 billion purchase price previously reported by Reuters. But, Fajar Harry Sampurno, State-owned Enterprises Ministry’s mining and strategic industry deputy, denied that Rio Tinto had proposed $5 billion for its interest in Grasberg. While not mentioning the actual price proposed, Fajar Harry only said that the State Palace would discuss that matter. “And the President will decide whether or not to accept (the proposal),” the official told Kontan.co.id.


The government had appointed state-owned mining holding company PT Indonesia Asahan Aluminium (Inalum) to negotiate with PTFI and Rio Tinto on the 40-percent stake. That move is part of an agreement for Indonesia to acquire 51 percent state in Grasberg mine through PT Inalum. Meanwhile, it had been decided that transaction for Rio Tinto’s 40 percent interest will take place by 2019. Current Indonesian laws, which followed the rising tide of economic nationalism, oblige foreign-owned mining firms to divest 51 percent of their projects to the Indonesian government.




Rio Tinto to sell $3.5b-worth interest in Freeport

Stefanno Reinard Sulaiman  The Jakarta Post May 23, 2018 
Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto confirmed on Wednesday that it planned to sell its participating interest in Papua’s Grasberg mine -- the world’s largest gold and second-largest copper mine -- for $3.5 billion. Grasberg mine is currently owned by PT Freeport Indonesia (PTFI), a subsidiary of United States-based gold and copper miner Freeport-McMoRan. London-based Rio Tinto says it is discussing the sale with state-owned mining holding PT Indonesia Asahan Aluminium (Inalum) and Freeport-McMoran, Rio Tinto says in a statement published in the company website.


Rio Tinto notes reports of the potential purchase by Inalum of Rio Tinto's entire interest in the Grasberg mine in Indonesia for $3.5 billion.

The government has appointed Inalum to buy PTFI’s shares, in line with a law that requires foreign mining companies to divest 51 percent of their shares to Indonesian entities. PTFI has long been in talks with the government on the divestment. The process been taking place since early 2017, with the government initially aiming to conclude negotiations by the end of 2017. However, the government extended the divestment deadline for Freeport until 2019 with the issuance of Energy and Mineral Resources Ministerial Regulation No. 25/2018 earlier this month.


However, Rio Tinto said a final decision had not been made. "No agreement has been reached and there is no certainty that a binding agreement will be signed," the firm says. Freeport-McMoRan and Rio Tinto established an unincorporated joint venture in 1995, which gave the latter control of 40 percent interest up to 2022 in certain assets and future production above specific levels in one of the blocks at Grasberg.  (bbn)   





Health workers are on demand in Papua

Jubi  By  admin

Jayapura, Jubi – Papua Accelerating Health Development Unit (UP2KP) admitted Papua Province still need more permanent health workers said UP2KP team to a legislator of the Indonesian House of Representatives from the Electoral District of Papua. They asked the legislator to enforce a quota of health workers in civil servant recruitment in 2018.“We observe that Papua needs permanent health workers for more effective and efficient health services,” said the First Director of UP2KP Agus Raprap in the press release to Jubi on Sunday (20/5/2018).

He said many health problems such as exceptional condition (KLB) and outbreaks of diseases in Papua, in particular in remote areas, were occurred due to a crisis of health workers.


A member of the Commission IX of the Indonesian House of Representatives from the Electoral District of Papua Roberth Rouw said he is ready to view the input on the health workers recruitment for Papua. He moreover said that health is the most critical sector of human development resources.

“I will learn the data related to the human resources demand (in the health sector). I will give it to the Minister of State Apparatus, but UP2KP should also provide data because this is very important to show a specific map about the existing of health workers in Papua and the number of health workers from outside of Papua that we need,” he said.

According to him, the lack of health workers in Papua becomes a very concerning issue. He agrees with the result of the monitoring and evaluation conducted by UP2KP which reveal that many health facilities in Papua, especially in districts, do not have permanent health personnel. (*) Reporter: Roy RatumakinEditor: Pipit Maizier





Opinion pieces/reports/press releases etc.


Indonesia Clamps Down on Simmering Independence Effort in Papua


Questions over new Indonesian terror law's implications for Papua


Giant Waste-Spewing Mine Turns Into a Battleground in Indonesia 
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-06-05/giant-waste-spewing-mine-turns-into-battleground-in-indonesia

Waste management rules threaten to derail Indonesia mine takeover




Why is New Zealand and the world turning its back on human rights abuses in West Papua?



1) New hub reflects NZ grassroots support for West Papua

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2) Literacy learning at the University of Cenderawasih
3) HEALTH & EDUCATION SERVICEPapua’s legislator: Free from rubella and measles shouldn’t be a media campaign only
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1) New hub reflects NZ grassroots support for West Papua
6:10 pm today 


New Zealand Green Party co-leader Marama Davidson speaks at a demonstration in support of West Papuan self-determination outside parliament buildings in Wellington. Photo: RNZ / Johnny Blades
According to Ms Davidson, the desk would be a hub for organising events, hosting international guests and raising awareness about issues around West Papuan independence aspirations and human rights violations in Indonesian ruled Papua.
"It's to create a dedicated space for civil society activists and movements to support the cause for West Papua independence and self-determination," she explained.
She said that in recent years a strong Pacific and Māori delegation in particular had engaged on West Papua by using their community organising skills "to reach into ordinary households to get solidarity".
Indonesia's government says it is addressing historical human rights abuses in Papua, while devoting more resources to economic development in the country's remote New Guinea territory.
However Ms Davidson said serious human right abuses continued to occur in Papua, and that it was of increasing concern to people in New Zealand.
"There's been a particular rising with young Māori activism students who align the issues of self-determination that are happening here with what is happening in West Papua.”

Hundreds of Māori students demonstrate support for West Papuan human rights outside New Zealand's parliament, 25 August 2016. Photo: RNZ / Johnny Blades
The desk is hosted at the Onehunga offices of First Union, and is to be run by voluntary efforts by West Papua Auckland and other members of the solidarity network.
"There are posits of organising campaigns happening around Aotearoa, and they are getting so strong that we're realising that it would be efficient and strategic to have a centralising desk," Ms Davidson said.
"And that's to actually highlight more the work that is happening around different community campaigns standing in support."
The MP admitted that West Papua solidarity was a matter of sensitivity for Indonesia whose president, Joko Widodo, visited New Zealand in March.
West Papua issues did not feature prominently in the president's discussions with New Zealand's prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. The talks had a focus on growing trade between the two countries.
Ms Davidson said that trade agreements tended to undermine human rights issues.
"I think what New Zealanders are coming to terms with is that that's no longer good enough, that we need to make sure that we are highlighting human rights issues, and that we do not see any trade agreements or any diplomatic relationships as an excuse to push those under the carpet.”

New Zealand Green MP Golriz Ghahraman attends West Papua protest Photo: RNZ Pacific Johnny Blades
The desk would give "a clearer light on what is actually happening in West Papua", according to Ms Davidson, who said it was important that the solidarity initiative was being driven "from the ground”.

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2) Literacy learning at the University of Cenderawasih
Published 4 hours ago on 11 June 2018 By admin
Jayapura, Jubi – To introduce the importance of literacy to pupils and college students in Papua, Yayasan Nusantara Sejati in cooperation with the Australian Government, UNICEF Papua and Papua Provincial Education Office and Jayapura Regional Education Office open a literacy stall in a parking lot of the auditorium of the University of Cenderawasih (Uncen) Abepura.
Arlenia Sitepesi, the Chairman Committee of Yayasan Nusantara Sejati, told Jubi on Thursday (7/6/2018) that the exhibition involved twenty schools and five replication schools from the city and district of Jayapura.
“We invite the nearby schools, such as from Abepura, Kotaraja and surrounding areas to participate in the various competitions held.”
The Secretary of Papua Provincial Education Office Protasius Lobya said this literacy program has gained a national recognation and would apply throughout of Indonesia.
Therefore, Papua should be proud of it. “We must support the Papuan context in literacy because it has included in the Special Regulation No. 3 and the Papua Governor’s Regulation No. 23. Budget on education in Papua is very high, so we should support it.” (*)

Reporter: David Sobolim
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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3) HEALTH & EDUCATION SERVICEPapua’s legislator: Free from rubella and measles shouldn’t be a media campaign only
Published 4 hours ago on 11 June 2018 By admin
Jayapura, Jubi – The Vice Chairwoman of the Commission V of the Papua House of Representative for Health and Education Maria Duwitau warned the provincial government not set a goal for Papuan children to be free from rubella and measles only on media.
She further said it is difficult to actualise this goal if the access to health services including the regular immunisation program has not been optimal since it has not reached remote areas yet.

There is a query that should be answered immediately before the government’s commitment to free a million of children from the threat of rubella and measles,” said Duwitau on Thursday (7/6/2018).
Furthermore, she said if the Papua Provincial Government really committed to this goal, they should optimise the health services including the regular immunisation program by developing the local health facilities.
Meanwhile, the Head of Papua’s Health Office Aloysius Giyai admitted that this province still has a problem with the regular immunisation program. The participation rate is below 80 per cent in most districts, which is under the national target. 
“Even in some districts with high participation rate, the Universal Child Immunisation (UCI) rate is also below 80 per cent,” said Giyai. (*)
Reporter: Arjuna Pademme
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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1) India eyes coal reserves in Indonesian Papua

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2) Indonesia to focus on world peace: jusuf kalla

3) Strengthening the soul of leadership, AWWEGIPBY held a debate event
4) Fish aggregating devices damages Papua’s marine ecosystem
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1) India eyes coal reserves in Indonesian Papua 
by  on 11 June 2018

  • India is looking to get in on the ground floor of coal mining in previously unexploited deposits in Indonesian Papua.
  • The details of an Indian mining project in Papua are still being negotiated — what India will get in return for financing surveys is said to be a sticking point — but the Indonesian government is keen to explore energy resources in the country’s easternmost provinces.
  • Rights activists fear the launch of a new mining industry could deepen tensions in a region where existing extractive projects have damaged the environment and inflamed a long-running armed conflict.
As it seeks to diversify its sources of fuel, India is looking to get in on the ground floor of coal mining in previously unexploited deposits in Indonesian Papua.
In exchange for technical support and financing for geological surveys, officials say India is pushing for special privileges, including no-bid contracts on any resulting concessions — a prospect that could run afoul of Indonesia’s anti-corruption laws.
The details of an Indian mining project in Papua are still being negotiated, but Indonesia’s energy ministry welcomes the prospect as part of a greater drive to explore energy resources in the country’s easternmost provinces. In the future, the ministry hopes mining for coking coal will support the domestic steel industry, while also bringing economic benefits to locals.
Rights activists, however, fear the launch of a new mining industry could deepen tensions in a region where existing extractive projects have damaged the environment and inflamed a long-running armed conflict.


Forest clearance and plantation development in PT Megakarya Jaya Raya (PT MJR) palm oil concession in Papua. New Guinea Island is home to the world’s third-largest rainforest, but is facing intense pressure due to the logging, palm oil and mining industries. Image by Ulet Infansasti/Greenpeace.

Indonesia’s new coal frontier

When Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Jakarta last month, joint efforts to extract and process Indonesia’s fossil fuels, including coal, were on the agenda.
India’s interest in investing in a new coking coal mining concession in Papua can be traced 2017, when officials from the Central Mine Planning & Design Institute (CMPDI) and Central Institute of Mining and Fuel Research (CIMFR), both Indian government institutes, met with Indonesia’s Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources in Jakarta.
The bilateral plan was announced by then-ministry spokesman Sujatmiko after the first India Indonesia Energy Forum  held in Jakarta in April 2017. “The focus is on new territories in Papua,” he said. 
To follow up, the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources sent a team to India in early May. The current energy ministry spokesman, Agung Pribadi, who was part of the delegation, told Mongabay that officials from state-owned energy giant Pertamina, major coal miner PT Adaro Energy, and state-owned electricity firm PLN also joined the meeting.
The Indonesian team presented research outlining the potential for mining high-caloric content coal in West Papua province, and lower-caloric coal in Papua province.
According to the team’s report, only 9.3 million tons of reserves have so far been identified. By contrast, Indonesia as a whole expects to export 371 million tons of coal this year. However, the true extent of coal deposits could be larger, said Rita Susilawati, who prepared the report presented during the meeting and is head of coal at the ministry’s Mineral, Coal and Geothermal Resources Center. “Some areas in Papua are hard to reach due to the lack of infrastructure. We were unable to continue the research,” she explained.
During the visit, Indian and Indonesian officials discussed conducting a geological survey in Papua, Agung said. India would finance the survey using its national budget. With Indonesian President Joko Widodo prioritizing infrastructure investment, the energy ministry has few resources to conduct such surveys.
Indonesia also anticipates benefitting and learning from India’s experience in processing coking coal.
In exchange, India expected privileges from the Indonesian government, including the right to secure the project without a bidding process, Agung said.
Indonesia denied the request, and the talks were put on hold. Approving it would have been too risky, Agung said, since the bidding process is regulated in Indonesia. “We recommend they follow the bidding process or cooperate with a state-owned enterprise,” Agung said.
India’s ministry of coal did not respond to an emailed request for comment.


A panorama of the Grasberg gold and copper mine in Papua province, which activists point to as a case study of how extractive projects can go wrong. Photo by Richard Jones via Wikimedia Commons CC-BY.

Possible loopholes

Energy and mining law expert Bisman Bakhtiar said there was still a chance India could get the rights to develop any resulting coal concessions without having to go through an open bidding process. “It can proceed under the G-to-G (government-to-government) scheme by signing a bilateral agreement,” he said.
This form of agreement would supersede the ministerial regulations requiring competitive bidding, Bisman explained, although he said any such agreements should emphasize that any projects must be carried out according to local laws.
There is precedent in Indonesia for G-to-G schemes bypassing the open bidding process, Bisman said. For example, multiple projects have been carried out on the basis of cooperation agreements with the World Bank and Australia. In another instance, Indonesian media mogul Surya Paloh imported crude oil from Angola via a bilateral cooperation agreement with Angola’s state-owned oil company Sonangol.
A draft law currently being discussed in the House of Representatives could also smooth the path for India. It says that if there is agreement between Indonesia and a foreign government to conduct geological studies, the country involved will get priority for the contract.
However, this would still require the country to meet market prices. “We called it ‘right to match.’ If there are other parties who offer lower prices, then they should follow that price,” Bisman said.
Another option would be for India to appoint one of its local companies to work with Indonesian private sector giant Adaro or state-owned coal miner PT Bukit Asam. Such a deal could be conducted as a business-to-business (B-to-B) agreement, and would be legal according to Indonesia’s Energy Law.
Or, Indonesia could assign a state-owned firm like Bukit Asam to work with India based on a memorandum of understanding (MOU) signed by both countries.

Armed Papuans in West Papua, which along with Papua province forms the Indonesian half of New Guinea Island. Image by Rhett Butler/Mongabay.

Risk factors

“But all these options have a potential risk,” Agung said. “They can be categorized as collusion by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).” He said a conventional bidding process should be prioritized.
Bisman said India needed to consider other risks, such as the social and political situation in Papua. The region is home to an armed separatist movement and has faced decades of conflict around the world’s largest and most profitable gold and copper mine, Grasberg, owned by U.S.-based Freeport McMoRan.
Despite the presence of the mine, Papua remains Indonesia’s poorest province, with some of the worst literacy and infant mortality rates in Asia. Indonesia’s National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), a state-funded body, has characterized Freeport’s concession as a “land grab,” for which the original stewards of the land, the Amungme and Kamoro indigenous people, were never properly consulted or compensated.
The Indonesian energy ministry’s own research says that any project must take into account the impact on Papua’s indigenous peoples, and must factor in specific local concepts of land ownership, leadership and livelihood.
Franky Samperante, executive director of rights advocacy group Yayasan Pusaka said he was worried about the plan. “It is way too risky,” he said, pointing to the social and environmental fallout of the Grasberg mine.
“There should be communication between the mining company and indigenous Papuans,” he said, warning Jakarta to carefully calculate the social, environmental and national security impacts.
Local indigenous people need to be meaningfully involved in the decision-making process, he said, especially since the mining would occur in and near forests where indigenous people live and gather and hunt their food.
Banner Image: A Papuan wreathed hornbill. Image by Rhett Butler/Mongabay.
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https://en.antaranews.com/news/116119/indonesia-to-focus-on-world-peace-jusuf-kalla
2) Indonesia to focus on world peace: jusuf kalla
Reporter:  
Tokyo (ANTARA News) - Vice President Jusuf Kalla said , as a non permanent member of the U.N. Security Council Indonesia will give priority to preserving world peace.

"The focus is certainly world peace. The Indonesian attention would be maintain world`s stability and peace," Kalla said here on Monday.

Indonesia has elected a new non permanent member of the Security Council defeating the Maldives in a voting in the United National Assembly.

Indonesia has been concerned with a number of conflicts in various parts of the world such as in Afghanistan, reconciliation in the Korean peninsula, and Rohingya issue, he said.

A meeting between North Korea and South Korea was a big progress toward reconciliation , he said.

"Our effort in Afganistan is also expected to bear fruit. What has happened is being discussed at the United Nations," he said.

He said Indonesia was reelected non permanent member of the Security Council because Indonesia was believed to be able to contribute to peace efforts in the world.

In Jakarta, an Indonesian University Professor of international law, Hikmahanto Juwana, said Indonesia would have a number of benefits from being a non-permanent member of the Security Council. The position would enable the country to be more active in helping maintain world peace.

"In line with its Constitution, Indonesia could be more active and take part in preserving world peace," Hikmahanto said.

Indonesia, which always spoke strongly for full independence for Palestine, could directly bring the issue up at the Security Council, he said.

If the United Nations and the Security Council are reformed, it is not impossible that Indonesia is seen by the world as deserving a seat among the permanent members of the Security Council".
  
Editor: Yosep Hariyadi
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3) Strengthening the soul of leadership, AWWEGIPBY held a debate event

Published
  
on
 




Jayapura, Jubi – The Student Association of Apahapsili, Welarek, Werenggik- Elelim-Silika, Pagai dan Benawa (HMP-AWWEGIPBY) recently held a debate event in Jayapura to promote the leadership among students.
Both junior and senior students from second and eighth semester participated in the event which held on Wednesday (6/6/2018) with a theme ‘Student Eligibility Test in Leading Organisation’.

“We examined their understanding about the organisation through a debate,” said Zan Faluk, the Chairman of AWWEGIPBY.
Meanwhile, the Chairman of the Commission C of Yalimo House of Representatives Alexander Walilo, who attended the event as a panellist, said he gave his support and appreciated this event because he thought it contributes to the development of Yalimo future leaders.
“All the time, the students only watched the debate of governor or regent candidates on television. Now they took a good initiative to carry out the debate,” he said. (*)
Reporter: David Sobolim
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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4) Fish aggregating devices damages Papua’s marine ecosystem

Published
  
on
 


Jayapura, Jubi – John Gobay, a member of Papua House of Representatives from Meepago customary area, said fish aggregating devices (FADs) are possibly damaging the marine ecosystem in Papua.
These FADs neglect the local wisdom of indigenous Papua,” Gobai told Jubi on Monday (4/6/2018). Therefore, he proposes regulation and agreement on the prohibition of FADs in the Papua’s coastal areas.

“Moreover, the tools used by non-Papuan fishermen who give a monthly payment to someone rather than paying a contribution to indigenous tribes as well as to the customary landowner,” he explained.
It often raises a conflict between the local and migrant fishermen, like what happened in Pomako, Mimika, on 1 August 2017. “Consequently, indigenous fishermen often exclude from the fishing spaces that are already occupied by non-Papuan fishermen,” he said.
A Papua fisherman Musye Weror appreciates Gobai’s idea to seek an establishment of the regulation for native fishermen. “We’ve been having a lot of drawbacks over the years because we still use the traditional fishing tools,” said Weror. (*)
Reporter: Hengky Yeimo
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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1) West Papua Desk opens in Tāmaki Makaurau

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2) Green co-leader slams human rights ‘obscenity’ over West Papua

3) Dateline Pacific evening edition for 12 June 2018

4) Hundreds of Chinese citizens found working 'illegally' in gold mines in Papua

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Māori Television

1) West Papua Desk opens in Tāmaki Makaurau

By Leo Horgan
  • AUCKLAND

Footage

Green Party Co-leader Marama Davidson has opened a West Papua Desk in Onehunga to serve as a base for the West Papuan independence movement in New Zealand.
Hosted by FIRST Union in Onehunga and run by former Green MP Catherine Delahunty, the desk will be a hub for organising events, hosting international guests and raising public awareness about the ongoing military occupation and human rights violations in West Papua. 
“I’m so proud to have been invited to open the West Papua Desk, which represents a huge step forward for Aotearoa’s West Papua solidarity movement,” says Davidson.
The West Papuan independence movement seeks liberation from Indonesian rule. Indonesia inherited the resource-rich region from Dutch colonists and has been criticised for its violent political repression of West Papua's Melanesian inhabitants. 
“Human rights abuses and attacks on press freedom continue in West Papua. New Zealand has a responsibility as a leader in the Asia-Pacific region to stand up for peace, human rights, and self-determination."
“As Māori we also have a duty to stand in solidarity with our indigenous whanaunga of the Pacific as they face their own struggle against violent colonisation,” says Davidson. 
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2) Green co-leader slams human rights ‘obscenity’ over West Papua

By Rahul Bhattarai in Auckland
June 12, 2018
Green Party co-leader ... “We are standing in solidarity with women leaders of indigenous movements around the world and around the Pacific.” Image: Rahul Bhattarai/PMC
Green Party co-leader Marama Davidson last night condemned the “obscenity” of jailing West Papuansby Indonesian authorities for raising their Morning Starflagof independence.
Speaking at the launch of the West Papua solidarity “desk” at the First Union community office in Onehunga, Davidson said she was upholding the party’s long standing solidarity for the indigenous Melanesians in their search for self-determination and independence.
About 25 people supporting the cause of West Papua gathered at the event in a bid to raise awareness in New Zealand over the ongoing issue of human rights violations in West Papua by the Indonesian government.
“It’s a privilege to launch the desk because we need to continue to do the work to raise awareness and to stand in solidarity with the people of West Papua,” Davidson said.
Davidson, along with the cultural group Oceania Interrupted, are creating an activist action of performance to “disturb” public places to help raise awareness as Maori and Pacific women of the Pacific.
“We are standing in solidarity with women leaders of indigenous movements around the world and around the Pacific,” she said.
Davidson has also asked Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern to call on Indonesian President Joko Widodo to account and to raise the human rights issues.
Indonesia has just been elected to the UN Security Councilfor a two-year term.
Facing imperialismGreen MP Golriz Ghahraman said that this was a “solidarity movement for both the people of Pacific and across the world – it’s part of the imperialism that people are experiencing”.
She added that the people of West Papua were facing militarised oppression by the Indonesian government in order to seize their resources.
“West Papuan culture and heritage is violently suppressed for access to their natural minerals,” she said.
Human rights and peace activist Marie Leadbeater, author of the forthcoming book See No Evil, said that West Papua was a close Melanesian neighbour which had been under Indonesian control since 1963 against the will of Papuan people.
She said: “They were promised self-determination and an opportunity to become an independent nation, the same as other independent nations in the Pacific.”
That promise had not yet been fulfilled and as a result the West Papuan people had been resisting or campaigning, which came at a huge price, including the loss of thousands of lives due to the conflict with the Indonesian government.

video footage

3) Dateline Pacific evening edition for 12 June 2018











From 3:04 pm today 
Pacific community reaction subdued to the government's budget at a post budget breakfast in Auckland; a West Papua desk has been opened in New Zealand, as a hub for organising events, hosting international guests and raising awareness about issues around independence aspirations of West Papuans and human rights violations in Indonesian ruled Papua; an academic says resolving a dispute in Fiji over the Bau chiefly title best left to the people; A Vanuatu journalist whose thousands of stories over a more than 40-year career chronicled the country's growth from independence, has died suddenly.

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4) Hundreds of Chinese citizens found working 'illegally' in gold mines in Papua
News Desk The Jakarta Post

Jakarta | Tue, June 12, 2018| 10:57 am

The Tembagapura Immigration Office has said that hundreds of Chinese nationals were found working for local gold mining companies in Nabire, Papua, without proper work documents.
“This was happening for quite a long time due to poor supervision,” Tembagapura Immigration Office head Jesaja Samuel Enock said as quoted by Antara in Timika on Monday.
According to the immigration office, 13 workers were taken to Timika from Nabire on Sunday. Eight more Chinese people will be transferred to Timika on Wednesday.
Samuel said the office found out about the alleged illegal employment of Chinese citizens at local gold mines based on reports from local residents and tribal councils.
Samuel said he later launched an investigation into the reports and carried out unannounced inspections at gold mining sites in Nabire, where his personnel allegedly found Chinese people working without proper permits. The gold mining sites in Nabire are located in four locations, namely Kilometer 70, KM 52, KM 38 and KM 30 on the trans-Nabire-Enarotali Paniai highway.
“We received reports from the residents that more than 10 local gold mining sites in Nabire hired Chinese people. We’ve managed to reach four sites only so far,” Samuel said.
He said the local residents were disappointed and felt cheated by the companies where the Chinese nationals allegedly worked.
“There are no local people working at the companies. They have even been banned from the sites. That’s why they don’t know the exact details on the production capacity of those mines.” (stu/ebf)
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West Papua issue could attract more attention after Indonesia's promotion to UN Security Council

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Pacific Beat with  Catherine Graue,  Bruce Hill
Audio 

West Papua issue could attract more attention after Indonesia's promotion to UN Security Council

By Nick Fogarty on Pacific Beat

Now that Indonesia has been elected to the UN Security Council for a two-year term starting in 2019, observers of the situation in West Papua are hoping that additional power will generate extra scrutiny on Jakarta and its relationship with the disputed province.
As the Free West Papuan movement continues its decades-long struggle for independence and highlights ongoing human rights abuses, Indonesia say they hope to use their new position at the UN to work on conflict resolution and peace-building.
A co-founder of the West Papua Project at Sydney University, Dr Jim Elmslie, says Indonesia's promotion on the international stage is an important development that puts the South-East Asian nation firmly in the spotlight.
Duration: 3min 21sec
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1) Barbara Dreaver: Why is NZ and the world turning its back on human rights abuses in West Papua?

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2) ULMWP Executive claims Indonesia fouls its membership of UN Security Council  
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1) Barbara Dreaver: Why is NZ and the world turning its back on human rights abuses in West Papua?
  




! News Pacific correspondent Barbara Dreaver looks into the abuse of West Papuans by Indonesia. Image: Video freeze frame: 1 NEWS
By Barbara Dreaver, 1 News Pacific correspondent
Over the years, many graphic and violent images of torture and beatings have emerged from the Indonesia-controlled Melanesian region of West Papua.
News agencies and social media groups across the world have reported the alleged human rights abuses of the island’s native population by Indonesian soldiers.
Yet, the international community continues to ignore the plight of the West Papuan people.
I have covered the story of the West Papuan fight for independence from Indonesia for many years.
In this report, I explore the reasons why Indonesia clings tightly to power of the island and shuts the rest of the world out, denying access to the island and its people.
I also look at the close relationship New Zealand has with Indonesia, one our country’s strongest allies and trade partners.
This report is republished by Asia Pacific Report with the permission of Barbara Dreaver and Television New Zealand.
Reporter: Barbara Dreaver
Produced by: Natalia Sutherland
Edited by: Luis G. Portillo
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2) ULMWP Executive claims Indonesia fouls its membership of UN Security Council  
12 June 2018
Within moments of Indonesia’s election to the UN Security Council, President Jokowi sent 1600 commandos of his new anti-terrorist force to Timika (West Papua), and five Amungme civilians were immediately kidnapped on suspicion of having independence aspirations.
The recent formation of the KOOSSUSGAB commando unit—drawn from the Marines, the Airforce, and the Military, was not by legislation, but by Presidential commando.  Unlike Densus 88 (a police force accountable to the Indonesian Parliament) KOOSSUSGAB is directly and only accountable to President Jokowi.
Indonesia’s now-undeniable return to Suharto-like treatment of West Papuans has drawn the ire of ULMWP Spokesman Jacob Rumbiak, who believes that it is highly inappropriate for the Indonesian state, such as it is, to be part of the UN Security Council’s powerful armour of responsibility and decision-making.
“Setting a special Anti-Terrorist military force against West Papua civilians is irresponsible and morally culpable” he said.
“We are not terrorists, and have never behaved like Indonesian terrorists and extremists.  West Papua is our homeland.  Our rights of self-determination are guaranteed in the Indonesian Constitution, the UN Charter of Human Rights, UN General Assembly Res. 1514 (1960), UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (2007), UN General Assembly 1752 XVII, and UN Chapter XII.”
“All we are seeking is our sovereign rights, our dignity, and our liberty” concluded the Spokesperson for the United Liberation Movement for West Papua, which in the past three years has garnered unprecedented support for its independence program.
Jacob Rumbiak
Spokesperson
United Liberation Movement for West Papua
* Komando Operasi khusus Gabungan/KOOSSUSGAB, Special Combined Operations Command
* At 10pm on Saturday 9 June 2018 Indonesia’s new Anti-Terrorist commandos arrested Orpa Wanjomal (40 yo) and her stepson Polce Sugumol (31 yo) in their home in SP Two Town (Timika).  Five hours later, at 3am on Sunday 10 June, KOOSSUSGAB commandoes entered the home of Titus Kwalik at Ten SP Five, beat his wife with the butt of a gun until she fell unconscious, and then arrested him.  At the same time they arrested Julianus Dekme (31yo) and Alosius Ogolmagai (49yo) at Julianus home at SP Six, Mandiri St. 
* The Amungme are the indigenous owners of the land mined by the US Freeport company since 1967.
June 12, 2018
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1) Malaita support for free West Papua intact

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2) New military counter-terrorism unit arrests 5 West Papuans, says Jubi
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1) Malaita support for free West Papua intact

14 June 2018  Author  Editor




MALAITA provincial government has maintained its support and stand for a free West Papua.
This was highlighted during a dialogue held in Auki last month between representatives from the national government, civil society, Indonesian government and Malaita provincial government.

The visiting team was led by Rence Sore of the Prime Minister’s office to discuss matters to revive Malaita province policy toward Indonesia for Malaita people to have right a perspective to Indonesia government and ways to create positive relationship with Malaita province government.

This is an effort to clarify past rumours and negative publications against the Indonesian government's treatment to original West Papua people.

The Malaita provincial secretary Jackson Gege confirmed that they have met with the visiting team.

He said their visit mainly was to talk on reviving a Malaita province policy towards the Indonesian government purposely to understand Indonesia's intentions well.

However, based on a conclusion passed by the Malaita provincial government, Mr Gege said Malaita will continue to support the free West Papua campaign.

“Malaita provincial government will continue to put its support behind the free West Papua campaign,” Mr Gege said.

It’s understood a similar dialogue has been conducted in other provinces.

By SOLOMON LOFANA
in Auki
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2) New military counter-terrorism unit arrests 5 West Papuans, says Jubi
  
The Joint Special Operations Command (Koopssusgab), a joint military counter-terrorism unit, was reportedly involved n the arrests. Graphic: Tabloid Jubi

By Victor Mambor in Jayapura
Five civilians in Timika have reportedly been arrested by the newly reactivated military counter-terrorism unit for “aspiring” to West Papuan independence.
“At 10pm on Saturday June 9, Orpa Wanjomal (40) and his stepchild Polce Sugumol (31) were arrested at their home in the SP 2 [housing unit] in Timika,” United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) spokesperson Jakob Rumbiak said yesterday.
“Five hours later, at 3am in the morning, on Sunday June 10, Titus Kwalik was arrested at the SP 10.
“At the same time Julianus Dekme (31) and Alosius Ogolmagai (49) were arrested at Julianus’ house at the SP 6. The five civilians were arrested for aspiring to Papuan independence.”
Rumbiak said that the Joint Special Operations Command (Koopssusgab) was involved in the arrests. The Koopssusgab is a joint military counter-terrorism unit, which was recently reactivated in concert with revisions to the Anti-Terrorism Law, and is under the direct authority of Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.
Commando unit
The commando unit, according to House of Representatives (DPR) Commission I chairperson Abdul Kharis Almasyhari, was formed to assist in dealing with terrorism under certain conditions if the national police request assistance.
According to Almasyhari, under the revisions to the 2003 Anti-Terrorism Law, which were enacted on May 25, there are additional regulations which make it more comprehensive, including the possibility of involving the TNI (Indonesian military) under certain conditions.
“However the Koopssusgab apparently can’t be formed yet because they don’t have a core budget yet,” said Almasyhari.
Nevertheless, the ULMWP is sure that the arrests were carried out by Koopssusgab.
“The use of the special military anti-terrorist force against West Papuan civilians is irresponsible and morally wrong”, said Rumbiak.
The West Papuan people were not terrorists, and had never carried out terrorist acts, unlike Indonesian terrorists or extremists.
The West Papuan people’s right to self-determination is guaranteed under the Indonesian Constitution, the United Nations Human Rights Charter, UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 (1960), the UN Convention on Civil and Political Rights (2007) and UN General Assembly Resolution 1752 Chapters XVII and XII.
Tabloid Jubi has attempted to contact Mimika District Police Chief Assistant Superintendent Agung Marlianto via WhatsApp for clarification of the alleged arrests. As of posting this article however, Marlianto has not responded.
Translated by James Balowski for the Indoleft News Service. The original title of the article was “ULMWP: 5 warga sipil Timika ditangkap karena aspirasi Papua Merdeka”Victor Mambor is editor of Tabloid Jubi.

1) Benny Wenda offers heartfelt thanks for ‘West Papua Desk’ opening

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1) Benny Wenda offers heartfelt thanks for ‘West Papua Desk’ opening
2) Indonesia Must Diversify Its Staple Food to Ensure Food Security for All: UN
3) Indonesia set to provide electricity to PNG border
4) Detection An Issue At Border 

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1) Benny Wenda offers heartfelt thanks for ‘West Papua Desk’ opening
JUNE 14, 2018
Publishing a statement on his website today, ULMWP Chairperson Benny Wenda thanked the organisers and people of Aotearoa New Zealand for their hard work in launching the West Papua Desk. The new project is hosted by the national trade organization FIRST Union, with oversight of the program provided by West Papua Action Auckland. The “desk” is intended to be a hub for organizing events, and to provide a public community space for raising awareness about the independence aspirations and human rights violations in West Papua.
Moved by the generosity of the support from West Papua’s Pacific neighbors.  Wenda  said “This historical and kind gesture is an empowering gift from the people of Aotearoa to West Papua. We accept your offering with deep gratitude, and give our everlasting friendship in return. We thank you for seeing West Papua’s battle for freedom and extending a hand to us during our time of need. The journey is sometimes dark and weary, but a ray of hope from our Pacific family can light the way on this long road. June 11th 2018 is now a great day to remember on this path to freedom. We will write it down in history as a day of friendship between neighbours.” Click here to read Wenda’s full statement
Photo information; Mana leader Hone Harwara, Labour MP Maryan Street join Benny Wenda, Jennifer Robinson, and Catherine Delahunty on parliaments steps during Wenda’s first visit to New Zealand last year.


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2) Indonesia Must Diversify Its Staple Food to Ensure Food Security for All: UN
By : Adinda Normala | on 2:21 PM June 15, 2018

Jakarta. Indonesia must implement policies aimed at diversifying its staple foods and increasing fruit and vegetable consumption to ensure the right to food for all, a United Nations representative said.
Data compiled by the Ministry of Agriculture shows that Indonesia will consume an estimated 33.8 million metric tons of rice this year, compared with 30.65 million tons in 2017. Average rice consumption amounted to almost 150 kilograms per person last year, which is higher than in other major rice producing countries, such as China and India.
Former Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan previously voiced concern over Indonesian rice consumption and suggested that people eat less of the cereal grain.

"If we can reduce rice consumption to only 100 kilograms per person per year, we can save 10 million tons of rice, which will result in a rice surplus of 10 million tons by 2014," Gita said during the Jakarta Food Security Summit in 2012.
While Indonesia has been trying to become rice self-sufficient through technological innovations and improved irrigation methods, the country still has to import approximately 3 million tons rice per annum from neighboring countries such as Thailand and Vietnam to satisfy domestic demand.
According to Hilal Elver, UN special rapporteur on the right to food, the government did not consider regional cultural differences when it decided to make rice the staple food across the archipelago.
"There is a need to diversify policies to limit the focus on rice… Polices developed to reduce food insecurity appear to be overly focused on rice, such as at the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate," Elver told a press conference in April.
The MIFEE project, launched on 2.5 million hectares of converted land in Merauke district in Papua Province in 2011, is aimed at increasing national self-sufficiency in food crops such as rice, corn and sugar in order to reduce import dependency.

"Considering that not all people in the country want to make rice their main staple, the government's policy in the production of staples should be more mindful of the diverse needs and preferences of communities with a variety of food traditions," Elver said.
She cited as an example rice and instant noodles distributed in communities in the eastern part of the country, where people traditionally eat sago as a staple food.
Elver was sent on a mission to engage in dialogue with food-sector stakeholders in Jakarta and other parts of the country. Her observations and recommendations will be included in a UN Human Rights Council report due in March next year.
"What strikes me the most is the irony that in a leading food-producing country, 30 percent of children have stunted growth and over 92 percent of the population eats considerably less fruit and vegetables than World Health Organization recommended levels," Elver said.
She highlighted a case in Asmat district, Papua, where 72 children died of measles and malnutrition in January, which she said "was preventable but allowed to happen."
According to the WHO, adults must consume at least 400 grams of fruits and vegetables per day to maintain optimal health.
"This is telling: Food is not only about quantity, but also about quality, accessibility and affordability. People living in remote areas have limited access to healthy food, and poor people in cities are unable to afford fruits and vegetables, which are very expensive," Elver said.

Government Efforts
Agung Hendriadi, the head of Indonesia's Food Security Agency (BKP), said social inequalities and poverty cause food insecurity in the country and that his agency has prepared several programs to address the problem in remote villages that are difficult to reach.
"These programs will teach community members to produce healthy ingredients for their households independently," Agung said.
The BKP, in cooperation with the North Sulawesi provincial government, also introduced the Eating Without Rice Movement (Gentanasi) in September last year aimed at replacing rice and flour with local foods as sources of carbohydrates.
"Efforts to reduce the consumption of rice and wheat should be followed by the provision of carbohydrates from local foods, such as sago, cassava, sweet potato, breadfruit and bananas," Agung said, as reported by state-run news agency Antara.
The Ministry of Agriculture also established a program called Poverty Eradication Through Agriculture, which aims to develop horticultural products, especially domestic fruits, in 1,000 villages in 100 districts on Java Island and in the provinces of South Sulawesi, West Nusa Tenggara, South Kalimantan and Lampung.
The program, launched at the end of April, involves the distribution of free seeds worth Rp 5.5 trillion ($395 million) through regional governments.
According to Agriculture Minister Andi Amran, the program aims to make domestic fruit production more competitive, while improving the welfare of local fruit farmers.

Rising Protein Consumption
Kundhavi Kadiresan, representative of the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) in Asia and the Pacific, said protein consumption in Indonesia is expected to increase faster than that of carbohydrates between 2020 and 2045.
He said consumption of vegetables and poultry is expected to increase by more than 45 percent, followed by beef at 40 percent, fruits (35 percent), eggs (25 percent) and fish (20 percent). Rice consumption is projected to increase at less than 10 percent.
Kadiresan attributes rising protein consumption to the country's growing middle class, with more people paying attention to a healthy lifestyle.
"The demand is for fruit and vegetables. Farmers should be able to read these changes if they want to enjoy more profits… More private investment through public-private partnerships in this sector will also advance the people's economy," Kadiresan said.
FAO data shows the total area under fruit and vegetable production in Indonesia only increased 30 percent between 1990 and 2014, compared with 180 percent in China, 140 percent in Vietnam, 135 percent in Bangladesh, 105 percent in India and 95 percent in Myanmar and Nepal, respectively.


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3) Indonesia set to provide electricity to PNG border
By CLIFFORD FAIPARIKELECTRICITY supply from Indonesia is now available at the PNG-Indonesian border for Papua New Guineans to have access to, according to the Inter Government Relations Minister Kevin Isifu.
“We are now looking forward to PNG Power Limited putting up power poles from Vanimo to the border so that the power supply from Indonesian to Vanimo can be connected,” he said.
“The power poles, cables and other electrical materials are already on the ground in Vanimo.
“PNG Power will now have to proceed with the 42km power line from Vanimo to Wutung to light up the border post.”
Isifu said the 2megawatt power supply generated from diesel power plant in Waena and Yarmokh in the Papua Province of Indonesia is near the border.
“Also Water PNG will set up the water supply from Vanimo to Wutung so that the Wutung border office can be opened for business before the end of the year.”
He said a joint technical team from PNG Power and Water PNG officials would go to Vanimo to do a detailed scoping project for the Border Administration Complex.
“Funding is available. We only need the scope work to determine the costing in order to release the funds”.



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4) Detection An Issue At Border 
SMUGGLING Still Takes Place With Or Without Notice, According To PNG Customs Senior Manager John Kiu, At The Wutung Border Crossing Between PNG And Indonesia’s West Papua Province. 

SMUGGLING still takes place with or without notice, according to PNG Customs senior manager John Kiu, at the Wutung Border crossing between PNG and Indonesia’s West Papua Province.
“Of course things do slip through considering the difficulties we face. Our level of detection is average because of our manpower, tools and equipment. We normally have in bigger ports of entry like Jacksons airport, a lot of smuggling that pass through with our notice and without our notice as well.
“Through the seas as well because we are close by on the maritime borders, a lot of things are happening.
“We are limited with resources, but we hope in the long run attention can be brought back to us the border officers so we can at least do things in a standard manner. But the fact that we are mandated to work here, we just to do our job to the best we can,” Mr Kiu said.
Current manpower of frontline border agencies sits at 11 officers, apart from the military, to control the movement of more than 1000 shoppers and visitors into the border station at Wutung, West Sepik Province.
“I have four officers here and you just look at the number of people travelling here, and that is just for customs alone. For immigration we have two officers and quarantine, maybe another five officers so in total for the frontline officers, CIQ as we call them, it is about 11 officers.
“We need more than 11 officers as in the near future we expect to increase the base of each agency requirements,” Mr Kiu said.
“Interagency cooperation is something that will help us manage our border efficiently and effectively. “We are doing our best at the moment.”
He said at the moment the Wutung makeshift border post does not have anything apart from the equipment lying idle from the K90 million pilot border trade and investment development project completed in 2014 consisting of institutional houses and border station facilities, water, and power supply.
“We don’t have anything in place here because the conditions are not conducive for us to be able to connect as much as we can.
“We are doing things on an adhoc basis. Yeah they (the station equipment) are here, but the thing is we need to have power and water to put into these places to allow us to move in.
“Although we have a nice state of the art building in terms of power and water, nothing has happened as yet,” he said.
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1) How the black indigenes of West Papua are still fighting for independence since 1969

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2) In a land hit by the resource curse, a new gold mine spooks officials
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Face2Face Africa

1) How the black indigenes of West Papua are still fighting for independence since 1969
BY NDUTA WAWERU, at 06:39 am, June 18, 2018, HISTORY



                                                              Photo: Office of Benny Wenda



For over 50 years, the black indigenous community occupying the West Papua province of Indonesia have been fighting for their independence.
The region was annexed by Indonesia in 1969 as provided by the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2504 (XXIV). The annexation was considered controversial as the Dutch, who had colonised the region considered West Papua geographically, ethnically and culturally  different from Indonesia. It, therefore, prepared the region for its own independence throughout the 1950s.  But this was not meant to be as Indonesia took over in 1962.

Presently, the people of West Papua are suffering at the hands of the Indonesian authorities, who have waged a war against them.
They consider themselves Melanesian, a group of people with dark skin, living in the highland western half of the island of New Guinea.
West Papua is home to at least 250 diverse tribes, each with its unique language and culture. Most of them still live traditional subsistence lifestyles.
According to human rights reports, over 500,000 people have been killed in the fight for independence. Thousands more have been tortured, raped, imprisoned and even made to disappear after detainment.
Aside from this, the people of West Papua do not have basic freedoms such as freedom of speech and they are living in constant state of fear and intimidation. Foreign media and human rights activists are restricted from the region, making it quite difficult to document the situation.
The resistance started way back but one of the most vital is in 1970 when an armed guerrilla movement called OPM (the Free Papua Movement) was formed. The OPM, armed mostly with bows and arrows, carried out a number of guerrilla attacks on the Indonesian military as well as multi-international establishments in the area.
A reprieve came in 1998 when the Indonesian dictator General H. Muhammad  Suharto died.  For the first time, the flag of West Papua was flown and a public congress was held in 2000. The congress reaffirmed the independence of West Papua and the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP) was established.

However, this reprieve was short-lived. The Indonesian military moved in and shot thousands of people, killing the president of the PDP Theys Eluay in 2001.

The fight of the West Papua people is still ongoing and it is being noticed by the international community.
In 2017, exiled West Papuan independence campaigner Benny Wenda presented a petition to the United Nations’ decolonisation committee, seeking the independence of the region.
The petition bore  1.8 million signatures of West Papuans, who put their lives in danger for signing it. The document was banned by the Indonesian government but found its way to Wenda who then presented it, saying:
The people have risked their lives, some have been beaten up, some are in prison. In 50 years, we have never done this before, and we had to organise this in secret. People were willing to carry it between villages, to smuggle it from one end of Papua to the other, because this petition is very significant for us in our struggle for freedom.
At the moment, the struggle continues.
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2) In a land hit by the resource curse, a new gold mine spooks officials

by  on 17 June 2018

  • A company in Indonesia plans to start mining gold in a district in the country’s West Papua province that forms part of the ecologically important Cendrawasih Bay National Park — an ostensibly protected area.
  • The company is currently applying for an environmental impact assessment that would allow it to obtain a mining permit, but local officials involved in the process say they see little benefit to the proposed mine. They say they prefer a development model built on tourism based on the region’s rich biodiversity.
  • The district chief, who has the final say in issuing the permit, has signaled he approves of the project — flip-flopping on a pledge he made at the end of last year to prioritize an environment-focused development framework.
JAKARTA — Environmental officials have warned of the potentially catastrophic impact of a planned gold mine in a conservation zone in eastern Indonesia, amid mixed signals from the district chief responsible for approving the project.
The proposed mine would cover 233 square kilometers (90 square miles), an area four times the size of Manhattan, in Wondama Bay district in West Papua province. Eighty five percent of the district, though, sits within Cenderawasih Bay National Park, while parts of it also overlap onto or border the Wondiwoi Mountains Nature Reserve — both protected areas. The planned site also straddles the ancestral lands of three indigenous groups: the Kuri Wamesa, the Rasiei and the Naikere
The company applying for the mining permit, PT Abisha Bumi Persada (ABP), is based some 3,000 kilometers (1,860 miles) west, in the city of Bandung on the island of Java. It reportedly plans to operate for 15 years, and expects to mine 800,000 tons of ore per year, yielding 200 kilograms (440 pounds) of gold annually.


A company in Indonesia plans to mine for gold in Wondama Bay district in West Papua province, with the 
proposed site marked by the red pin. Much of the district falls within Cenderawasih Bay National Park, 
a protected area. Image by Google Maps.

Ben Saroy, head of the agency that manages Cenderawasih Bay National Park, warned that establishing a large-scale gold mine like ABP has proposed could damage the wider conservation area. Among his top concerns, he said, was the waste from the mining operations, such as mercury, that could pollute the environment and wind up in the food chain.
Mercury is often used to bind gold from ore, and is typically burned off and discarded afterward, eventually ending up in rivers. In 2017, the Indonesian government ratified the Minamata Convention on Mercury, committing to phase out the use of the heavy metal in small-scale gold mining by 2020.
“The impacts from any mercury contamination will be only apparent in 10 to 20 years, as babies are born blind, permanently disabled, and with other diseases,” Saroy told local media. “The waste must not be dumped into the sea.”
He also warned that tourist arrivals to the national park could go down “if they know that the area has been contaminated with mercury.”

ABP is reportedly in the process of obtaining an environmental impact assessment, known locally as an AMDAL, as a prerequisite for getting a mining permit.
Rudolf Rumbino, the head of the West Papua government’s environmental agency, said his office would not issue an AMDAL without assurances from environmental NGOs and the provincial government’s research and development agency that the benefits of the mine would outweigh any disruption to the environment.
“Although some of the local communities have given their support, we will rely on the advice of NGOs and the R&D agency because they know better about the positive and negative impacts from this mining,” he told local media.
Charlie Heatubun, who heads the R&D agency, was also skeptical about allowing gold mining in the district, saying it would create a lot of risks, including the further impoverishment of the local people.
“Gold mining promises quick profits for the area, but that profit may not be worth the negative impacts,” he told local media.
He said tourism remained the best option for the long-term development of Wondama Bay district. “If we develop tourism, we can ensure that the environment won’t be damaged,” he said. “The people can profit from the tourist visits and from related tourism businesses.”


A swath of rainforest in Indonesia that was destroyed for gold-mining operations. 
Image by Boyhaqie/Mongabay-Indonesia.

Prioritizing ecofriendly tourism over resource exploitation was the same argument used earlier by the Wondama Bay district chief, Bernadus Imburi, who has the final say on whether the mining permit is issued.
“We don’t have forests or gold that can be exploited to help [develop the economy] in this area,” Imburi said last December at the signing of an environment-focused development framework with representatives from WWF-Indonesia and Cenderawasih Bay National Park.
“We are confident that the potential of Cenderawasih Bay National Park and Wondiwoi Mountains National Reserve will serve as valuable capital to increase our regional revenue,” he added.
“The tourism sector is the only top priority for Wondama Bay district in increasing our local revenue.”
By February, however, Imburi appeared to have changed his mind, attending a discussion hosted by ABP with community representatives at which he spoke of a “win-win” situation for all sides.
“I hope [ABP] manages everything by the book so that the company can operate and the local people can also live,” he said as quoted by local media.
The discussion was part of ABP’s AMDAL obligation to allow communities that would be affected by its proposed operations a chance to weigh in. The district chief, though, appeared to discourage any opposition when he told those in attendance that “the local people must not act in such a way that the company can’t proceed.”
In any case, there was little pushback from the community representatives, who said they approved of the proposed mining operation, as long as their rights as indigenous people were upheld and they weren’t “disadvantaged” further down the road. They also called on ABP to prioritize the hiring of workers from local communities over those from outside.


The pristine forests of West Papua are being increasingly targeted for mines and plantations. 
Image by Rhett A. Butler/Mongabay.

The Indonesian half of the island of New Guinea, administratively split into the provinces of West Papua and Papua, is all too familiar with the “resource curse.”
For decades, a subsidiary of U.S.-based Freeport McMoRan has run the world’s biggest copper and gold mine, Grasberg, in Papua province. But its operations, wildly profitable for the company and for the central government in Jakarta, have done little for the development of local communities. Papua and West Papua remain the most impoverished provinces in Indonesia, with life expectancies and infant and maternal mortality rates that are among the worst in Asia.
Freeport’s subsidiary has also long been criticized for a litany of environmental offenses, as well as for funding security forces that have been widely accused of rights violations against indigenous Papuans.
In recent years, another resource has threatened to destroy the ancient and pristine rainforests that make the island a biodiversity hotspot like no other: palm oil. Major plantation operators, having largely depleted the forests of Sumatra and Indonesian Borneo, are now increasingly eyeing the vast, untouched wildernesses of Papua and West Papua.
Charlie Heatubun, the West Papua R&D agency head, summed up the quandary of a region awash in natural wealth but falling short of most human development metrics: “Right now, we may be [financially] poor, but we are so rich in natural resources. We could end up being poor in both ways, and that’s a huge problem.”
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1) Indonesia yet to allow UN Commissioner into Papua

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2) Bernhard Marjen: West Papuan journalist and ex-policeman
3) Papua’s legislator suspects an intrigue behind foreigners’ deportation
4) Activists hold a long march in Manokwari to commemorate 17 years of Wasior human rights violation 
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1) Indonesia yet to allow UN Commissioner into Papua
12:12 pm today 

The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has expressed concern at not yet being able to visit Indonesia's Papua region.
Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein told a meeting of the Human Rights Council he was concerned the government's invitation to visit Papua had still not been honoured.
In his global update on human rights issues, Mr Al Hussein said he had been invited to visit Papua during his visit to Indonesia in February.
There had been positive engagement by the Indonesian authorities in many other respects, Mr Al Hussein said.
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2) Bernhard Marjen: West Papuan journalist and ex-policeman
  

1) Indonesia Shuts Out UN Rights Chief From Papua

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2) Catholic Church leader at Sentani secure the Eid al-Fitr prayer
3) PNG admits there is still a lot of smuggling on the border of Wutung



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 1) Indonesia Shuts Out UN Rights Chief From Papua
No Follow-Up to Official Invitation to Troubled Region

What is the Indonesian government hiding in Papua?


Phelim Kine 

Deputy Director, Asia Division

That’s the question raised by the government’s seeming refusal to make good on an official invitation promised to the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, to visit Papua and West Papua provinces (collectively referred to as “Papua”).

On Monday, Zeid issued a statement saying he is “concerned that despite positive engagement by the authorities in many respects, the Government’s invitation to my Office to visit Papua – which was made during my visit in February – has still not been honoured.”

The Indonesian government’s apparent unwillingness to allow Zeid to investigate human rights conditions in Papua should come as no surprise. Indonesian authorities have consistently blocked foreign journalists and rights monitors from visiting Papua. Those restrictions defy an announcement made in 2015 by Indonesia’s President Joko Widodo – popularly known as Jokowi – that accredited foreign media would have unimpeded access to Papua. The decades-old access restrictionson Papua are rooted in government suspicion of the motives of foreign nationals for reporting on the region, which is troubled by a small-scale pro-independence insurgency, widespread corruption, environmental degradation, and public dissatisfaction with Jakarta. Security forces are rarely held to account for abuses against critics of the government, including the killing of peaceful protesters.

The limbo of Zeid’s Papua invitation has dampened hopes raised in March 2017, after the government allowed a UN health expert to make a two-day official visit to Papua, that Indonesia would end its reflexive prohibition on travel to the region by foreign human rights monitors. Instead, Zeid’s experience is reminiscent of 2013, when then-UN independent expert on freedom of expression, Frank La Rue, was blocked from visiting Indonesia. Diplomatic sources in Geneva told La Rue that the Indonesian government froze his requested visit due to his inclusion of Papua in his proposed itinerary. “They said, ‘Great, we’ll get back to you,’” La Rue told Human Rights Watch. “What it meant was that they postponed the dates and put the trip off indefinitely.”

It’s clear that parts of the Indonesian government remain hostile to the idea of greater transparency in the region. Yet granting reporters and human rights monitors access to Papua is an essential element of ensuring the rights of Papuans are respected.


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2) Catholic Church leader at Sentani secure the Eid al-Fitr prayer


Published
  
on
 


Sentani, Jubi – Some members of the Catholic Youth Organization (OMK) of the Parish ‘Sang Penebus Sentani’ assisted the police to secure the procession of Eid al-Fitr prayer that took place the Al-Aqsa Mosque, Sentani, Jayapura District on Friday (06/15/2010).
Despite these young people, Pastor Hendrikus Nahak OFM also involved in this activity.
“The harmony of interfaith people should come from a sincere heart. What I want to say is harmony is beautiful, that a beautiful harmony should come out from a sincere heart,” he said.
Meanwhile, the Chairman of Taklim Masjid Agung Al-Aqsa Sentani, Nurdin Sanmas, expressed his gratitude to the entire community who took part in securing the Eid al-Firt prayer.  “I want to say more in my speech, but I was touched to see the pastor himself led the young people.”
Moreover, he expected what has been done by the pastor can be imitated by other religious communities in Jayapura district. (*)
 Source: Antara
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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3) PNG admits there is still a lot of smuggling on the border of Wutung
Published
  
on
 


Jayapura, Jubi – Papua New Guinea Customs (PNG) admits smuggling at Wutung, the border area between PNG and Papua Province, still frequently occurs.
Of course there are smugglers escape from our surveillance because of human resources and equipment. For instance, at the Jacksonville Airport in Port Moresby, smugglings still occur, with or without recognition,” the Senior Manager of PNG Customs John Kiu told at the Wutung Border on Friday (15/06/2018).
He further said apart from military there are only 11 officers who work at the border of PNG and Indonesia who expected to control transactions that involving more than a thousand people everyday at Wutung.
I have four officers. They are responsible for customs only, while we have two officers for immigration and quarantine.”
Moreover, he said the temporary border post in Wutung has no facilities except an office and a border station, water and electricity supplies, which were the left assets of trade and investment project amounted of 90 thousand million that have ended in 2014. (*)
 Reporter: Victor Mambor
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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1) Indonesia Slams UN Human Rights Office Over Planned Papua Visit

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2) Indonesia Hopes to Flex Diplomatic Muscle With Security Council Seat
3) When Indonesia sits on the Security Council
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1) Indonesia Slams UN Human Rights Office Over Planned Papua Visit
By : Sheany | on 3:23 PM June 20, 2018
Jakarta. Indonesia has criticized the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, saying that his regional office in Bangkok should first coordinate with the government before sending a mission to Papua, instead of demanding immediate access.
"It is deeply regrettable that the staff members of his regional office in Bangkok, instead of coordinating the planned visit with Indonesian authorities, have unilaterally set the dates and areas to visit in Papua and West Papua, while demanding immediate access," Hasan Kleib, Indonesia's permanent representative to the United Nations in Geneva, said in a statement on Tuesday (19/06).

The statement, delivered during a general debate session at the United Nations in Geneva, came in response to a remark by UN human rights chief Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein, who said the government's invitation to his office to visit Indonesia's easternmost provinces had not yet materialized.
"In Indonesia, I am concerned that despite positive engagement by the authorities in many respects, the government's invitation to my office to visit Papua – which was made during my visit in February – has still not been honored," Zeid saidduring the 38th session of the Human Rights Council on Monday.
During his three-day visit to Indonesia in February, Zeid expressed concern over the excessive use of force by Indonesian security forces, harassment, arbitrary arrests and detentions in Papua. He was in the country at the time to meet with government officials, who invited his office to visit the country's poorest region.

According to Hasan, the UN human rights chief informed the Indonesian government that his regional office in Bangkok would represent him on the visit.
In a follow-up, Hasan said staff of the regional office "misleadingly acted" as if a mutually agreed schedule was already in place for the visit, but that the Indonesian government had yet to grant them access. He added that this conduct was deplorable.
Hasan said Indonesia is still committed to invite Zeid or his office to visit Papua but asserted that the regional office in Bangkok must respect the principles of consent by the host government in the future.
For years, political grievances and an active independence movement in Papua have generated headlines, in spite of the government's focus on economic development to improve the situation.
In a report published in November last year, the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict said Papua has suffered human rights violations in the past, while there are ongoing issues of torture, excessive use of force, lack of accountability and restrictions on civil liberties.

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2) Indonesia Hopes to Flex Diplomatic Muscle With Security Council Seat

June 20, 2018 1:54 PM Krithika Varagur
Indonesia has been chosen as one of five non-permanent members of the United Nations Security Council after a competitive bidding process, inaugurating what is likely to be a period of greater diplomatic and geopolitical activity for the world’s fourth largest country.
This is Indonesia’s fourth time on the Security Council, the most powerful U.N. body, which is charged with maintaining “international peace and security.” Non-permanent members are elected every five years; the 2019 lineup also includes Germany, South Africa, the Dominican Republic, and Belgium.
Despite its size and population, Indonesia has not always been a vocal geopolitical actor, focusing instead on economic growth and internal affairs. But in recent years, it has pivoted toward becoming a regional power, leading major efforts on maritime security and also expressing solidarity with Muslim communities in places like Myanmar and Palestine. Indonesia Foreign Minister Retno LP Marsudi has already said that the Palestinian issue will be a “concern” for Indonesia during its Security Council tenure.

Marsudi heavily lobbied member states in advance of the election last week. Indonesia competed against the Maldives for one of the non- permanent seats allocated to Asia and Africa.
After the election, she told reporters that Indonesia would prioritize “peace and stability [and] combating terrorism and radicalism.”
“We will continue to advocate for greater transparency and accountability,” said Marsudi. “We will always make ourselves available and accessible to all members, to listen to their concern and expectations and bring those voices to the council.”
Potentially increased role
A non-member state only has five years on the council so its powers are somewhat constrained from the start. But one area where Indonesia might make an impact is in peacekeeping, since it currently ranks “9th out of 121 contributing countries to U.N. peacekeeping operations,” according to the Lowy Institute.
The seat could also reinforce Indonesia’s vision of being a “global maritime fulcrum, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s ambitious plan to make Indonesia a regional maritime power both in the economic and security spheres.

“Indonesia could use its seat to advocate more for maritime security,” said Pandu Utama Manggala, a researcher at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies in Tokyo. “The world is no longer only dealing with terrorism and extremism, and Indonesia has many more areas in which to contribute.”
“Indonesia and the U.K. are the only two countries in the next Security Council with huge maritime borders, which will give them authority on the subject,” he added. “Maritime security includes things like piracy, smuggling, and human rights, so it is a broad issue.”
Beyond the U.N. effort, Indonesia also created a foreign aid agency for the first time earlier this year, another indicator of a more outward-looking foreign policy.
Limits of action
But not everyone is sure that the Security Council seat will translate to real power.
“It’s all about the prestige,” said Yohanes Sulaiman, a lecturer at General Achmad Yani University. “Jokowi is not really that interested in foreign affairs and Retno is not that forceful either, she is more of a safe player.” He contrasted the present, decentralized era of Indonesian politics under Jokowi to the last time Indonesia had a Security Council seat, under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
“Now it’s different from the SBY years, when power was centralized and Indonesia could make a point on the world stage,” he said. “Jokowi lets everybody talk… there is no coordination.”
Political analyst Aaron Connelly also wrote on Twitter that he was “not quite so optimistic” about Indonesia’s human rights commitments, because “Indonesian diplomacy on the Rohingya crisis has been superficial and feckless thus far, and Jakarta is likely to oppose sanctions or an [International Criminal Court] referral” for Myanmar, which has been accused of perpetrating a genocide against the Muslim Rohingya minority.

Indonesia may also be yet unprepared for scrutiny into its own human rights record; just yesterday, the country barred the U.N. high commissioner for human rights from entering its eastern provinces of Papua, where there has been a long-running separatist conflict and ongoing violence.
In fact, some of the most promising diplomatic overtures from Indonesia are coming from non-state actors. A leader of the Indonesian Sunni Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama, considered the world’s largest Muslim organization, visited Israel last week for an interfaith dialogue, despite the deep current anti-Semitism in Indonesia. The same leader, Yahya Cholil Staquf, also met with U.S. Vice President Mike Pence in the White House last month.
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3) When Indonesia sits on the Security Council

20 June 2018 12:00 AEDT
Indonesia has successfully won its bid for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council 2019–20, but what is the country likely to achieve?
There are, of course, significant constraints to what a non-permanent member of the Security Council can do within the UN structure. There is still room for movement, however, and there will be pressure for Indonesia to fulfil the expectations of those who elected them on the basis of its “partner for peace” campaign. 
Indonesia outlined its primary aims in seeking a seat as: (1) promoting global peace and stability; (2) working towards a better synergy between international and regional organisations with regards to building peace and stability; (3) sustainable development; and (4) promoting global cooperation on terrorism, radicalism, and extremism.
During its last stint as a non-permanent member of the Security Council in 2007–08, Indonesia was seen as “a moderating voice and consensus builder”, and is expected to take on a similar role this time around. Given that Indonesia’s foreign policy within Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is predicated upon consensus and negotiation, these are natural skills for Indonesia to employ on the international stage. 
It is unlikely Indonesia will push for any big changes during its tenure on the Security Council. While some have wondered whether Indonesia will raise the South China Sea issue, this seems exceedingly unlikely pending significant changes to the situation. Indonesia is constrained by its commitment to ASEAN consensus, and unlikely to be willing to mount overt challenges against China. 
The best options for Indonesia on the Security Council lie in bolstering its soft power through continuing to be exemplars of peacekeeping (currently ranking 9th out of 121 contributing countries to UN peacekeeping operations), working towards building consensus between non-permanent members on various issues, and drawing attention to regional issues of importance to Indonesia. Winning attention for regional issues proved difficult for Australia during its 2013–14 tenure; hopefully Indonesia will fare better. 
I believe there are two key areas where such action would be particularly valuable: the Rohingya crisis, and the rights of migrant workers. 
Given the longstanding difficulties of the Rohingya in Myanmar, the crisis will be ongoing come 2019. Even if the repatriation process goes well, Rohingya people remain without citizenship and vulnerable to further outbreaks of violence.
Indonesia is well placed to be a mediator and leader on this issue, and it will be a valuable opportunity for the country to achieve the goal of linking global and regional organisations with regards to peace-building. The Security Council has been accused of being “impotent” on the Rohingya issue, and so it is a key area for Indonesia to flex its strength at consensus building.
The rights of Southeast Asian migrant workers has come to be a key regional issue, yet one which has not garnered a great deal of international attention. The issue became prominent this year following the violent deaths of two migrant domestic workers: Adelina, a 21-year-old Indonesian working in Malaysia; and Joanna Demafelis, a 25-year-old Filipino working in Kuwait. Indonesia, along with the Philippines, is a major advocate for regional reforms.
While progress has been made within ASEAN with the creation of the ASEAN Consensus on Migrant Workers, some observers believe the worst abuses are occurring in countries outside ASEAN. Indonesia’s position as a non-permanent member of the Security Council will provide a vital chance to focus international attention on the issue and work towards advancing synergy between international and regional organisations.
Winning the non-permanent seat is not only a soft-power victory in itself, but also provides an invaluable opportunity for Indonesia to achieve its goals of peace and security, to enhance its reputation, and draw attention to regional issues.
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1) Indonesia: New Counterterrorism Law Imperils Rights

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2) Letter on Indonesia’s New Counterterrorism Law


3) Prabowo accuses Jokowi govt of weakening TNI

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1) Indonesia: New Counterterrorism Law Imperils Rights
Revise Act to Uphold Protections While Meeting Security Concerns

June 20, 2018 7:45PM EDT

(New York) – The Indonesian government should seek to amend provisions in the newly enacted counterterrorism law (“CT Law”) that threaten human rights protections, Human Rights Watch said in a letter sent on June 11, 2018, to President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and other officials.

After suicide bombings by attackers aligned with the Islamic State in the city of Surabaya in May, Indonesia’s parliament on May 25 approved long-pending revisions to the CT Law. While the new law contains some improvements, it risks undermining human rights and could weaken efforts to counter extremist threats.

“The Indonesian government’s counterterrorism measures should not come at the expense of fundamental rights,” said Brad Adams, Asia director. “The new counterterrorism law has provisions that will facilitate rights violations by authorities and ultimately undermine public safety.”

The new law relies on an overbroad and ambiguous definition of terrorism. The definition could be used to target peaceful political activities of indigenous groups, environmental advocates, and religious or political organizations.

The CT Law also allows for prolonged pre-charge and pre-trial detention that increases the likelihood of torture and other ill-treatment in custody. It extends the period that police can detain terrorism suspects without charge from three days in the 2003 law to a maximum of 21 days. And it permits prosecutors to unilaterally extend pre-trial detention for terrorism suspects from 180 days to 240 days.


The new law has provisions that will facilitate rights violations and ultimately undermine public safety.  

Brad Adams

Asia Director


The law empowers authorities to “open, examine, and confiscate mail and packages by post or other means of delivery … and intercept any conversation by telephone or other means of communication” suspected of being used for planning or committing terrorist acts. These provisions could be used to authorize massive, disproportionate surveillance that violates privacy rights.

The new law also expands counterterrorism enforcement activities to the Indonesian armed forces. While the deployment of armed forces in response to domestic security threats may be justified in certain cases, extended military deployment in a civilian policing context carries serious risks, in part because military personnel typically do not receive law enforcement training. In addition, the Indonesian military justice system has an egregious track record investigating and prosecuting human rights violations by military personnel.

“The Indonesian government should recognize that violating human rights in the name of counterterrorism merely benefits armed extremists over the long term,” Adams said. “The government should act to revise the counterterrorism law so that it meets international standards.”

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2) Letter on Indonesia’s New Counterterrorism Law

To President Joko Widodo and Speaker Bambang Soesatyo

June 20, 2018 7:45PM EDT


Your Excellencies,

I am writing on behalf of Human Rights Watch to express our concerns regarding the amended Eradication of Criminal Acts of Terrorism Law (the “CT Law”) that the Indonesian parliament passed on May 25, 2018, which amends the 2003 law. The amended law was enacted following the horrific Surabaya suicide bombings on May 13-14, 2018.

We wish to express our condolences to the victims of those attacks and their family members. We recognize that those incidents underscore that the Indonesian government has a responsibility to keep those under its jurisdiction safe, and that the new statute includes some improvements from the previous law. However, certain aspects of the new CT Law risk undermining key human rights protections and ultimately weaken efforts to counter armed threats from extremists.


Human Rights Watch is particularly concerned about the following elements of the CT Law:

1. Overbroad Definition of Terrorism
The new CT Law relies on an overbroad and ambiguous definition of terrorism. Article 1(2) defines terrorism as any act that uses “violence or threat of violence to create a widespread atmosphere of terror or fear, resulting in mass casualties and/or causing destruction or damage to vital strategic objects, the environment, public facilities, or an international facility.” Article 1(4) defines “the threat of violence” as including any “speech, writing, picture, symbol or physical, with or without the use of electronic or non-electronic form which may incite fear in a person.”

While there is no internationally agreed definition of terrorism, the definition in the new CT Law goes far beyond the definition endorsed by the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights and counterterrorism, which defines terrorism as “an act committed with the intent to kill, cause serious bodily injury, or take hostages with the aim of intimidating or terrorizing a population or compelling a government or international organization.”

Human Rights Watch’s research has shown that prosecutors in dozens of countries have used similarly broad counterterrorism laws to prosecute acts of political dissent that result in property damage, such as demonstrations. In Indonesia, we are concerned that the broad definition of terrorism could be used to target peaceful political activities of indigenous groups, environmental advocates, and religious or political organizations.

We urge you to do the following to avoid human rights violations linked to overbroad definitions of terrorism under the CT law:

  • Ensure that the CT Law’s implementing regulations provide a much narrower and specific definition of terrorism and terrorist activities that mitigate the dangerously ambiguous definition in the law.

  • Ensure that police and prosecutors apply the law in a way that does not infringe on protected rights and freedoms by only prosecuting acts that qualify as “genuinely of a terrorist nature,” as set out by the UN special rapporteur on human rights and counterterrorism.


2. Lengthy Pre-Charge and Pre-Trial Detention Periods
Article 28 of the CT Law extends the period that police can detain terrorism suspects without charge from three days in the 2003 law to a maximum of 21 days. That compares to a 24-hour period that police can detain suspects for non-terrorism-related crimes.

Article 25 of the CT Law permits the prosecutor to extend pre-trial detention for terrorism suspects from a maximum of 180 days under the 2003 law to 240 days, or up to 290 days with approval of the chief magistrate of the district court.

Prolonged detention without charge, particularly when coupled with restrictions on detainees’ ability to challenge that detention in court, creates conditions conducive to torture and other ill-treatment that will go unnoticed by the courts and unsanctioned by law. The insertion in article 28(3) that the arrests and detention of the suspect during the pre-charge phase will be done in accordance with the “principles of human rights” is welcome, but will do little in guaranteeing the rights of suspects.

Prolonged pre-charge detention, particularly when not authorized by a judge, may also violate the right to liberty under international law. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is party, states that anyone arrested or detained for a criminal offense “shall be brought promptly before a judge or other officer authorized by law to exercise judicial power.” Furthermore, anyone deprived of their liberty by arrest or detention has the right to “take proceedings before a court, in order that that court may decide without delay on the lawfulness of his detention and order his release if the detention is not lawful.”

The UN Human Rights Committee, an international expert body that monitors state compliance with the ICCPR, has explicitly interpreted this provision to apply to “all persons deprived of their liberty by arrest or detention,” including persons held in pre-charge detention. The committee has increasingly interpreted prompt appearance before a judge to be within 48 hours.

We urge you to take the following step to address these lengthy pre-charge and pre-trial detention periods:

  • Urge parliament to promptly amend the CT Law so that all those taken into custody are brought before a judge within 48 hours to be formally charged and able to contest the basis for their detention.


3. Anonymous Witnesses in Terrorism Prosecutions
Article 34A of the CT Law states that “witnesses, experts, and rapporteurs” in terrorism prosecutions will be provided protection including “confidentiality of identity.” While the authorities may take measures to protect witnesses, international law requires that prosecutors allow suspects to adequately defend themselves, including by calling and examining witnesses.

We urge you to seek amendments to article 34A that would:

  • Ensure that any measures taken to protect the security of witnesses do not infringe upon the right of defendants to have a proper opportunity to question and challenge witnesses against them at some stage of the proceedings.

  • Ensure that any concealment of witnesses’ identities is limited to cases where the measure is shown to be necessary and justified by serious and objective reasons.


4. Overbroad Surveillance Powers
Article 31 of the CT Law allows Indonesian authorities to “open, examine, and confiscate mail and packages by post or other means of delivery … and intercept any conversation by telephone or other means of communication suspected of being used to prepare, plan, and commit a Criminal Act of Terrorism.” These provisions could potentially be used to authorize massive, disproportionate surveillance that violates privacy rights.

To prevent possible massive, disproportionate surveillance, we urge you to:

  • Ensure that all surveillance powers are fully set out in clear, publicly accessible laws. Those laws should include safeguards for ensuring the surveillance is strictly necessary and proportionate, and should specify, for example, the nature and scope of the surveillance, the standards and procedures for surveillance requests and approvals, the circumstances under which a government agency may share surveillance data with others, how and for how long the surveillance data will be stored, at what point individuals will be notified that they were monitored, and a system of effective remedies for any abuses. Vaguely worded, potentially broad provisions are not sufficient.

  • Ensure that this law cannot serve as a basis for mass surveillance. Surveillance should be limited to what is strictly necessary for achieving a legitimate aim, such as preventing or investigating serious crimes. Any interceptions should be as targeted as possible and should use the least intrusive means available.

  • Ensure that the monitoring is proportionate. The government should reconsider the yearlong duration of these orders and impose much more limited periods of surveillance; a year of surveillance may capture very large amounts of data and be extremely revealing of sensitive aspects of personal life.


5. Deployment of Indonesian Armed Forces in Counterterrorism Operations
Article 43 of the CT Law specifies that the Indonesian Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) may be deployed in “combating acts of terrorism.” The passage of the new law coincides with the establishment of the military Joint Special Operations Command (Koopsusgab), which involves the army special forces, the marine corps, and the air force’s special corps.

The deployment of armed forces in response to domestic security threats may be justified in certain cases. However, extended military deployment in a civilian policing context is undesirable and carries serious risks.

Military personnel are trained and traditionally deployed to neutralize an enemy force through lethal force during times of armed conflict in which the international laws of war apply. Their training typically does not significantly involve law enforcement operations. Policing operations, in contrast, are bound by international human rights law, which restricts use of force to the minimal amount necessary to keep order, and to use lethal force only when there is an imminent threat to human life.

In addition, accountability for abuses by the military in Indonesia remain the sole jurisdiction of Indonesia’s military courts. Human Rights Watch has repeatedly expressed concerns that the Indonesian military justice system lacks transparency, independence, and impartiality, and has failed to properly investigate and prosecute alleged serious human rights abuses by military personnel.

The CT Law specifies that the details regarding the involvement of the military in counterterrorism operations will be stipulated in a Presidential Regulation. We urge you to take the following steps to prevent and appropriately respond to abuses by the military during counterterrorism operations:

  • Ensure the Presidential Regulation restricts participation of military forces in counterterrorism operations where involvement of the military is strictly necessary and proportionate. It should include specific provisions that limit the scope, levels, and duration of the military deployment.

  • Ensure that military troops deployed in counterterrorism operations have appropriate training in law enforcement and abide by the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, which apply to all security forces outside of armed conflict situations.

  • Coordinate with parliament to establish a body within the Indonesian House of Representatives tasked to monitor the application of the CT Law in line with respect for international human rights standards, and to monitor military actions as well as those of the police in accordance with international human rights law.

  • Ensure the House of Representatives monitoring team can investigate any alleged abuses committed by military forces.

  • Seek legislation that would allow for the prosecution of military personnel who commit serious human rights violations in the civilian courts.

6. Expanded Application of the Death Penalty 
The 2003 CT Law permitted imposition of the death penalty against “anyone who commits violence or threatens violence that takes ‘massive casualties’ or destroying strategically vital objects, using chemical or biological weapons, transferring illegally any firearms or explosives into Indonesia to be used for ‘terrorism acts’ and for any person who masterminds those actions.” The amended CT Law also allows the death penalty for anyone “who intentionally incites others to commit a criminal act of terrorism.”

International human rights law discourages the use of the death penalty and mandates that it only be applied to the most serious crimes, such as those resulting in death or serious bodily harm. The new CT Law would allow the death penalty to be carried out for crimes that did not reach this level of grievousness.

In 2008, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution entitled “Moratorium on the use of the death penalty,” which 104 states voted in favor of. Human Rights Watch opposes the death penalty in all circumstances as cruel and inhuman punishment, one that is plagued with arbitrariness, prejudice, and error wherever it is applied.

We urge you to take the following steps to address the human rights implications of the expanded application of the death penalty:

  • Impose a general moratorium on the death penalty until such time that capital punishment can be banned in Indonesia.

  • Encourage parliament to remove the death penalty from the 2018 CT Law.


7. Problematic Aspects of Measures to Protect Victims of Terrorism
Articles 35 and 36 of the new CT Law provide expanded measures to protect and assist victims of criminal acts of terrorism, including through the provision of medical, psychosocial, and psychological rehabilitation; restitution to the family in the event of death; and compensation. The law also formalizes the involvement of Indonesia’s Witness and Victim Protection Agency (Lembaga Perlindungan Saksi dan Korban, LPSK)—an independent body established in 2006 that has been providing financial compensation and rehabilitation programs to victims of crimes.

Support for victims of terrorism is included as a key component of the 2006 UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy. It is evoked in section I, which encourages national systems of assistance, and section IV, which urges governments to promote and protect the rights of victims. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime report on good practices emphasizes that “the enactment of legislation on the rights of victims contributes to empowering victims of terrorism and is in itself an effective message against violent extremism and terrorism,” and creates goodwill among the general population.

8. Ensuring Preventive Measures Do Not Violate Human Rights
The new CT Law stipulates that the government should adopt measures to prevent “criminal acts of terrorism,” and appoints Indonesia’s National Counter-Terrorism Agency as the lead agency in such efforts.

The law also provides for the establishment of a national terrorism alert system, counter-radicalization projects for individuals and groups vulnerable to radicalization, and a deradicalization program for prisoners accused of “criminal acts of terrorism.”

The details of such measures are left for future government regulations.

Coordinated national efforts to stem extremist attacks need to comport with international human rights standards. They should not infringe on the rights of individuals to freedom of religion, belief, opinion, or expression that is nonviolent. Participation in so-called deradicalization programs may only be required as part of a sentence upon conviction for a recognizable criminal offense.

We urge you to ensure that international human rights standards are upheld in drafting relevant implementing regulations on preventing criminal acts of terrorism, and that you:

  • Consult with nongovernmental organizations who represent members of affected groups to minimize possible discriminatory regulations.

  • Seek to ensure that the regulations do not exacerbate existing grievances and thus increase the likelihood of violent extremism.


We would be happy to meet with you as well as officials involved in these issues to discuss these matters further.


Sincerely,

Brad Adams
Asia Director
Human Rights Watch

CC:
Dr. Hatta Ali, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
Dr. Anwar Usman, Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court
Air Chief Marshal Hadi Tjahjanto, Commander of the National Armed Forces
Gen. Tito Karnavian, Chief of the National Police
Muhammad Prasetyo, Attorney General



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3) Prabowo accuses Jokowi govt of weakening TNI

Nurul Fitri Ramadhani
Jakarta | Thu, June 21, 2018 | 11:56 am

Gerindra Party chairman Prabowo has accused the government of trying to weaken the Indonesian Military (TNI) and putting the country at political risk.
The retired military general made the remarks on Tuesday in a 40-minute live streaming video that addressed Gerindra cadres on his official Facebook fan page.
“The TNI is weak, our Navy and Air Force are weak, our resources have been seized. As a result, our economic condition grows worse and burdens the people,” Prabowo said in the video.
Gerindra deputy chairman Ferry Juliantono said that Prabowo meant to criticize the government for favoring the National Police instead of the TNI. For example, he added, the government did not give the TNI a greater counterterrorism role in the new terrorism law,.
He also pointed to the recent inauguration of Comr. Gen. Iriawan, a high-ranking officer in the National Police, as acting West Java governor.
“The government seems to treat the police as its ‘golden boy’,” Ferry said on Wednesday.
In his video, Prabowo also said that these days, money could buy power, and pointed to massive corruption in the current administration.
“There is a power that sees itself controlling and determining who can be regents, mayors, governors – even the next president,” said Prabowo.
“Our [state] institutions are weak. As a result, our political power is at stake,” he added.
Prabowo also satirized President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo for frequently distributing aid packages of staple foods to the people to increase his popularity. “But that does nothing to improve our economic sovereignty,” he said.
The ruling Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) criticized Prabowo’s remarks, saying that he had no solid data behind his arguments.
“Prabowo’s opinions about the TNI and our economic condition are inaccurate. He did not refer to any data or analysis. [It is] more a subjective judgement,” said Andreas Pareira of the PDI-P central executive board.
Andreas, who is also a member of House of Representatives Commission I overseeing defense, also rebutted Prabowo's criticism, pointing to the professionalism of the modern-day TNI.
“The military is now more professional than during Prabowo's era. It is now more focused on the defense sector. We provide them with the best facilities and best weaponry,” he said. (evi)

Eliezer Awom passed away, West Papuans drawn in sorrow

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Eliezer Awom passed away, West Papuans drawn in sorrow
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                                                         Eliezer Awom. – Jubi/Doc
Jayapura, Jubi – The passing of Eliezer Awom when on the way from Bintuni to Kaimana on Friday (15/6/2018) has left deep sorrow to the land and people of West Papua, in particular, the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP).
ULMPWP Spokesperson Jacob Rumbiak said the ULMWP express their condolences to the family and the people of West Papua. “His body arrived at his house in Manokwari on 16 June 2018. Most of his children and grandchildren departed from Papua New Guinea and already arrived in Jayapura, except his two children who are still on the way from PNG,” Rumbiak told Jubi on Sunday (17/6/2018).

Eliezer Awom was born on 4 July 1948 in Inasi Village of Numfor Island. His late education was the junior high school before he went to Mobile Brigade training at Deplat Lido Cigombong Bogor, West Java on 29 November 1965.
“His career in Indonesian Military began from 1965 – 1971 to serve at Mobile Brigade Headquarter in Kelapa 2 Jakarta. In 1971, he assigned to Regiment 12 West Irian (Papua), Vocational School of Battalion M Jayapura,” added Rumbiak.
Based on Decree No.17 IRJA Sprint/36/II/1982 issued by Papua Police Chief, continued Rumbiak, he was appointed as the sniper course instructor for Brimobdak Irja from 1981 to 1983. In 1984, he resigned from the Indonesian Army to join the West Papua National Liberation Army/Free Papua Movement (TPN-PN/OPM).
“He served as the Commander of the West Papua National Liberation Army from 1984 to 1988. In 1989, he was shot and arrested by the Indonesian Army and underwent his life sentence in Indonesian Military Detention in Wamena before transferred to Kalisosok Detention Class I in Surabaya, East Java,” said Rumbiak.
Rumbiak further explained that in 2000, the Indonesian Government released him along with other West Papuan political prisoners. From 2002-2018, he served as the Chairman of West Papuan Ex-political Prisoners. “In 2002, he and the late John Simon Mambor represented the West Papuan Ex-political Prisoners as a member of the Papua Presidium Council in the Congress of Papuan People II. Further, in 2011, KRP III declared the Federal State of West Papua Republic (NFRPB) which he was appointed as the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces cum the Minister of Defense until the end of his life.
“On 27 November – 6 December 2014, the name Eliezer Awom was noticed in the list of other greatest West Papuans to declare Saralana Declaration that born the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP). For his tireless dedication, Mr Awom deserves the Best Guerrilla Star Award along with other heroes who have fought for the independence of West Papua,” he said.
Meanwhile, ULMWP Domestic Affair Working Team Markus Haluk said on Sunday, 17 June 2018, Awom’s brother and oldest son departed to Manokwari to decide whether the funeral would conduct in Manokwari or Jayapura.
“As we all know that the late Mr Awom has devoted his entire life for the independence and political sovereignty of the West Papuans. He became a role model and central figure to all of us. He was a true nationalist and great warrior of the Papuan people. Therefore let us pay him a tribute to conduct three days of national grief upon his funeral,” said Haluk. (*)
Reporter: Abeth You
Editor: Pipit Maizier
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1) Indonesia's slow and circuitous road to democracy

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2) Indonesian Perspectives: Economic and Security Relations with Australia

3) Gold prospectors demand reopening of gold stores in Timika


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1) Indonesia's slow and circuitous road to democracy

By Olivia Nicole Tasevski Posted about an hour ago


This year marks the 20th anniversary of the resignation of Indonesia's authoritarian president, Suharto, who led Indonesia from 1966 until 1998. Suharto's resignation, which was motivated by a faltering Indonesian economy and widespread anti-Suharto demonstrations, marked the beginning of Indonesia's transition to democracy. 
Significant progress has been made in relation to Indonesia's democratisation over the past 20 years. 
Nonetheless, a culture of impunity regarding historical human rights abuses persists in Indonesia and human rights violations continue to be perpetrated by the Indonesian government and security forces.

Positive developments in post-Suharto Indonesia

During Suharto's New Order regime, some political parties were banned by the government, in part to prevent them from participating in elections and during elections.
Voter intimidation was used by the Indonesian army (the TNI) to pressure Indonesians to vote for Golkar (Suharto's political vehicle).
During this period, the Indonesian parliament, which was responsible for electing the Indonesian president, was largely stacked with Suharto's supporters and unsurprisingly re-elected Suharto six times.
Post-Suharto era Indonesia has had regular, competitive, free and fair elections, including direct presidential and vice-presidential elections, the first of which occurred in 2004.
During the Suharto regime, the government closed down media outlets that were critical of it. In contrast, post-1998, Indonesian media reports that are critical of the Indonesian government are regularly published.
Moreover, in 2017, Freedom House, an American non-government organisation which monitors human rights globally rated the press in Indonesiathe Philippines and Timor-Leste as "partly free" and rated the media in all other Southeast Asian states as unfree in 2017.

Challenges remain on the human rights front

Despite these positive developments in relation to press freedom, foreign journalists' access to the Indonesian province of West Papua, where a pro-independence movement exists, remains restricted by Indonesian authorities.

Furthermore, a BBC journalist was expelled from West Papua this year for criticising the Indonesian government's response to the current malnutrition crisis in the province on Twitter.
Indonesian and Papuan journalists are also at times harassed, intimidated and assaulted by Indonesian security forces.
Since West Papua's annexation by Indonesia in 1963, the TNI and Indonesian police have repeatedly used force against Papuans at protests, resulting in the killings of Papuans, and detainedand imprisoned pro-independence Papuans who participate in protests.
Notably, in 2013, Papuan Oktovianus Warnares was arrested for raising the Morning Star flag (the banned flag of the Papuan independence movement) and remains imprisoned.
The Indonesian army has also not been prosecuted over an alleged massacre in Biak in 1998, when the TNI, led by General Wiranto, were accused of raping, torturing and killing Papuan civilians who raised and guarded the Morning Star flag in West Papua. Given that General Wiranto currently serves as Indonesia's Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs it is highly unlikely that the Indonesian government will seek to combat this culture of impunity in relation to the Biak massacre in the foreseeable future.
Similarly, the TNI, religious organisations and vigilante groups have not been held to account for their involvement in the 1965-66 mass killings, imprisonments and sexual violence in Indonesia
The pretext for these human rights violations was the killing of seven army officers by the 30th September Movement, which the TNI incorrectly blamed on the Indonesian Communist Party (the PKI).
During 1965-66, at the orders of the anti-communist TNI, led by Suharto, members of religious organisations and vigilante groups armed by the TNI killed approximately 500,000 members of the PKI, individuals formally and informally associated with the PKI and alleged communists.
The military also directly participated in these killings.
During this period, the army imprisoned many individuals without trial and perpetrated sexual violence, including rape, predominantly against female prisoners.
In 2015, Indonesian president Joko Widodo asserted that he had "no thoughts about apologising" about the 1965-66 events.

Bans on Marxism-Leninism, PKI remain

The bans on Marxism-Leninism and the PKI introduced by the anti-communist Suharto regime remain in place in Indonesia. 
In post-Suharto Indonesia, atheism continues to be associated with communism and public expressions of atheism are illegal
The ongoing persecution of atheists is illustrated by the fact that in 2012, Alexander An received a two-and-a-half-year jail sentence for posting on Facebook the statement, "God does not exist."
Indonesia's ethnic Chinese population is also subjected to ongoing discrimination as a Suharto-era ban on Chinese Indonesians participating in the armed forces remains in place.
The death penalty, introduced during Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia, also continues to be used against locals and foreigners, particularly drug offenders, despite condemnation from local anti-death penalty campaigners and multiple states and the fact that the death penalty violates the right to life enshrined in international human rights law.
At a time of rising authoritarianism in south-east Asia, Indonesia must continue to democratise by addressing historical and contemporary human rights abuses, rather than retaining vestiges of authoritarianism.
Olivia Tasevski is an international relations and political science tutor at the University of Melbourne, where she completed her Bachelor of Arts (Honours) and Master of International Relations. Her honours thesis examined US human rights policy towards Indonesia during Gerald Ford's tenure.


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2) Indonesian Perspectives: Economic and Security Relations with Australia
31 MAY 2018 Jarryd de Haan, Research Analyst, Indian Ocean Research Programme  Download PDF

  • Over the next decade, Australia may become increasingly less relevant to Indonesian economic interests.
  • The current trade relationship is skewed in Australia’s favour and Indonesia is likely to look towards other, larger, markets to counter that deficit.
  • Australia has gradually reduced the amount of foreign aid to Indonesia while, at the same time, Australian investors are deterred by the generally poor Indonesian business environment.
  • There may be an opportunity for Australia to adapt its defence exports to Indonesia’s minimum essential force needs.
  • The strongest ties lie in police-to-police links, aimed at combatting terrorism. That relationship could be used as a model for other bilateral linkages.
Summary
As Indonesia’s economy continues to grow and its population swells, the relationship with Australia is becoming more and more asymmetric. From the Australian perspective, it presents some opportunities but, as a counterbalance, Indonesia may be seeking to engage more closely with other, larger, powers in the region. This paper will look at the current economic and security ties in that context and explore some of the possible future prospects for the bilateral relationship.
Analysis
Economic Relations
Australia as an Export Market
As noted in a previous FDI Strategic Analysis Paper, Australia’s economic relationship with Indonesia has begun to falter. Looking at 2017 trade figures from Bank Indonesia, Australia makes up 5.1% of Indonesia’s goods market. In comparison, Indonesia’s largest trading partners in 2016 included China (which imported 13 per cent of Indonesia’s exported goods), Japan (13%) and Singapore (11%). While Australia’s position in the Indonesian market is sizeable, increasing deficits have marred trade relations from Indonesia’s perspective. As seen in Figure 1, between 2000 and 2011 the value of imports closely matched the value of exports; bilateral trade never resulted in a deficit of much more than $500 million for either country. Since then, Indonesian exports to Australia have fallen in value, resulting in a trade deficit for Indonesia of $2.6 billion in 2016, the largest shortfall in the trading relationship to date.
Figure 1
The saving grace of Jakarta’s economic relationship with Canberra lies in Australia’s contribution to the Indonesian tourism industry. Defined as “travel exports” in services trade statistics, tourism is a vital part of the Australian-Indonesian economic relationship and is the single largest source of income for Indonesia in that relationship. When services exports are taken into account, the $2.6 billion trade deficit that Indonesia experienced in 2016 is reduced to $593 million.
Looking to the longer-term, however, Australia does not appear to be the primary market for Indonesian plans to expand its tourism industry. As a previous FDI Strategic Analysis Paper has discussed, Indonesia is expected to focus on increasing the inflow of Chinese and Muslim tourists. Arrivals from China have rapidly overtaken those from Australia and now make up the bulk of international tourists visiting Indonesia. At the same time, the Indonesian Government is working to promote Halal tourism, an approach that holds promising potential, given that Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world.
From Indonesia’s perspective, the declining level of its goods exports to Australia is a weak point in the bilateral economic relationship. That may not improve for some time. With Australia’s relatively small population of 24 million, Indonesia is potentially better off seeking to expand trade in other, larger, markets. Historically, China, India and the United States have been the largest and fastest-growing export markets for Indonesia. In the past five years, however, growth in the Chinese and Indian markets has begun to stagnate and, at times, fall. Based on the last five years of Indonesian exports, the Philippines and Vietnam have replaced China and India as the fastest growing markets for Indonesia. Compared to Australia, the Philippine and Vietnamese markets for Indonesian exports are larger, faster-growing and also in close proximity to Indonesia.
It is unlikely that the Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (IA-CEPA) will lead to Australia becoming a primary market for Jakarta. Negotiations surrounding the agreement have been difficult and failed to conclude by the revised December 2017 deadline. That said, when implemented, the IA-CEPA will play an important role in boosting bilateral trade and investment, just not at a level comparable to Indonesia’s larger economic relationships. According to the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the IA-CEPA aims to address impediments to bilateral trade, including both tariff and non-tariff barriers, to improve access to each other’s services markets and to cut the red tape preventing Australian investment in Indonesia.
Investment
Canberra’s investment relationship with Jakarta has room for improvement from Indonesia’s perspective. According to statistics from Indonesia’s Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM), Australia ranked as the tenth-largest investor in Indonesia during first quarter of 2018, investing $172.52 million through 176 different projects. That has seen Australia move up in the ranks of the top investors in Indonesia compared to the first quarter of 2017, even though total investment slightly decreased from 2017. In the first quarter of 2017, Australian investment realisation reached $185.65 million through 158 projects, ranking twelfth.
While Australia is placed among the top ten overall investors in Indonesia, that position is more due to the fact that comparatively few countries invest significant sums in Indonesia. Additionally, as seen in Figure 2, investment realisation from Australia sits at almost half that of Malaysia and approximately twenty times less than that of Singapore.
Figure 2
Investment in Indonesia also accounts for a very small portion of Australia’s total overseas investment. Of the $2.3 trillion overseas investment by Australia in 2017, Indonesia received only $10.7 billion, approximately 0.46% of outbound Australian investment. In comparison, Singapore received $59.4 billion as the largest destination for Australian investment in South-East Asia. Additionally, Australian investment in the Indonesian economy is similar to that of its investment in the Malaysian and Philippine economies, which are arguably less attractive for investors when comparing the raw size of the three economies.
As Future Directions International has previously assessed, one of the primary factors behind the low level of Australian investment is a poor business environment within Indonesia. There is a strong correlation between the countries that Australian firms choose to invest in and the ease of doing business in those countries. According to the rankings used by the World Bank, Indonesia is placed ninety-first of 190 economies in the “Ease of Doing Business Ranking” (EDBR). That is primarily due to factors such as: limitations and caps on foreign investment, excessive permit requirements and costs, a shortage of skilled labourers and low productivity. In the longer-term, business reforms will hopefully address some of those issues and attract greater numbers of Australian investors.
Faltering trade and a lack of confidence on the part of investors is a disappointing transition from the previous donor-recipient relationship with Indonesia. With Official Developmental Aid (ODA) to Indonesia falling each year (from $888 million in 2012 to $316 million expected this year), Australia does not seem to have achieved its stated goal of moving ‘from a donor-recipient model to an economic partnership of equals’. Instead, from Indonesia’s perspective, Australia has gradually cut off its ODA while importing less and investing little.
Defence and Security
Importing Australian Military Equipment
Indonesia is currently working to upgrade its defence force through the Minimum Essential Force (MEF) programme, under which it seeks to upgrade its naval, air and land capabilities. Current efforts so far have included: importing a range of military equipment, including fighter jets; the joint development of new military technology with South Korea; and the revitalisation of its indigenous defence industry. To date, Australia has played a very minor role in the MEF programme with Indonesia, preferring to collaborate with countries such as Russia, South Korea and the United States. That could potentially change, however, as Australia has signalled its intention to revitalise its defence exports industry, in the hope of becoming one of the top ten global defence exporters within the next decade.
In the Australian Government’s Defence Export Strategy, South-East Asia has been identified as a priority market, along with the wider Indo-Pacific. While Indonesia is not specifically mentioned, it has since 2013 become a major importer of Australian arms, receiving 28 per cent of Australian arms exports since then.[1] As a market for defence exports, Indonesia is not without its challenges, however, with the Department of Defence listing the following obstacles: ‘protracted procurement processes, indigenous industry development and offset policies, transparency and integrity risks, and improving levels of regulation of exports.’ In the case of Indonesia, the first two obstacles are especially relevant. Jakarta has a history of using difficult and unclear bidding processesfor projects and is committed to building up its domestic defence industry at the expense of defence imports.
Despite those challenges, looking at the longer-term, there is an opportunity for Australia to become an attractive source of defence materiel for Indonesia. Jakarta has prioritised increasing its naval capabilities through the MEF programme, to secure its territorial waters and combat both terrorism and piracy in the region. Indonesia is an archipelagic country and borders some of the most important global shipping routes. Consequently, maintaining and then growing its naval capacity will continue to be a priority for Jakarta well past the 2024 deadline of the MEF programme. That makes it a suitable market for Australia; especially given that 66 per cent of Australian defence exports over the past five years have been naval-related. It will be difficult, however, for Australia to compete with other countries that already have a foothold in the Indonesian defence industry, such as South Korea. A number of obstacles facing the Australian shipbuilding industry could exacerbate these concerns.
Maritime Security
According to Peter Chalk, in The Maritime Dimension of International Security, Indonesia would need 300 vessels operating around the clock to adequately protect and monitor its three million square kilometres of archipelagic waters.[2] The Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL), however, only has approximately 178 naval vessels in active service. While it is aiming to have up to 274 vessels in service by 2024 under the MEF programme, it is highly unlikely that that target will be achieved given the many challenges surrounding the MEF programme. Due to the imbalance between Indonesia’s vast archipelagic geography and its underequipped navy, Jakarta has put a strong focus on maritime co-operation in its bilateral relationships. That has primarily consisted of joint maritime patrols and intelligence sharing, with a particular focus on countering illegal fishing, smuggling and counter terrorism.
Given that Australia does not yet have a defence export market targeted at Indonesian needs, maritime co-operation should perhaps be the focal point of the defence relationship. Both governments have shown commitment to closer maritime co-operation, having signed on 16 March 2018 a Maritime Co-operation Plan of Action (MCPA), which implemented the Joint Declaration on Maritime Co-operation signed in February 2017. Under the agreement, both countries will work to combat illegal fishing and transnational crime, improve search and rescue co-ordination and strengthen navy-to-navy links, in addition to a range of other commitments. In a press release following the signing of the MCPA, Foreign Minister Julie Bishop also announced a four-year bilateral Maritime Capacity Building Initiative in Indonesia, which will see Australia allocate increased resources to help strengthen that country’s maritime capabilities.
From Indonesia’s perspective, however, it could be argued that ties with Australia are too unpredictable and that it is better off focusing on improving defence ties with its closer South-East Asian neighbours. January 2017, for instance, saw the sudden suspension of Australia-Indonesia defence ties, following the showing of what was deemed offensive material at a joint-training session between Indonesian Special Forces group Kopassusand the Australian Special Air Service. This incident cast doubt over the prospects for long term co-operation.
While the ties with Canberra can be fragile at times, the Royal Australian Navy outstrips the naval capabilities of Indonesia’s South-East Asian neighbours. Despite its comparatively small fleet size, Australian vessels are stronger, more modern and boast superior technology, in part due to having the twelfth-largest defence budget in the world and a close defence partnership with the United States. Australia also has the highest number of submarines in the region, on par with Singapore. Maintaining strong defence ties with Australia through maritime co-operation is an immensely valuable resource in securing Indonesian waters from non-state threats.
Counterterrorism
Indonesia has also sought co-operation in countering terrorism. While Indonesia suffers from fewer terrorism incidents than the Philippines, it does contain the largest jihadist community in South-East Asia. Monitoring that community is a monumental task and virtually impossible to manage completely. To lighten the load, the Indonesian Government has sought co-operation from a variety of governments, including Australia, New Zealand and the United States, in addition to its ASEAN neighbours. Historically, those efforts have been criticised as weak and token in nature due to a prevailing emphasis on sovereignty above all else, especially among the ASEAN states. In recent years, however, notable advances in both intelligence sharing and joint operational procedures have been achieved, especially in its co-operation with Australia.[3]
Following the 2002 Bali bombings, the Indonesian and Australian Governments signed a series of Memoranda of Understanding, to expand co-operation in combatting terrorism within Indonesia. Those MoUs included steps such as: information sharing; building up the capacity of Indonesian counter-terrorism forces; and combatting terrorist financing. The aligned interests between Australia and Indonesia following the Bali bombings also highlighted counterterrorism co-operation as a focal point from which the broader strategic relationship could potentially flourish. In the months following the signing of the MoUs, both governments continued to work closely and, along with the US, formed Special Detachment 88 (Densus 88) on 30 June 2003. This is a specialist anti-terrorist branch of the Indonesian National Police (Kepolisian Negara Republik Indonesia, or POLRI). Since then, the Australian Government has continued to fund and train the special unit, which has been widely praised for its successes in arresting terrorists and foiling attacks.
Today, counterterrorism continues to be a focal point of Indonesia’s security relationship with Australia and it has led to close collaboration between the Australian Federal Police (AFP) and POLRI. Speaking at Edith Cowan University on 10 April 2018, Tito Karnavian, Police Chief of the Indonesian National Police, praised the relationship between his organisation and the AFP, adding that it is POLRI’s strongest relationship in the region that is committed to combatting terrorism. According to a paper released by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, the closeness of the AFP-POLRI relationship is a rare achievement among security forces and can be seen as a success story in the wider bilateral relationship.
The partnership has clear benefits for both countries, allowing the police forces to better disrupt and prevent transnational crime and terrorism. Although the police-to-police relationship can be vulnerable to the ups-and-downs of the bilateral relationship, it has made a positive contribution to the broader relationship through fostering a ‘habit of co-operation’. In the longer-term, it can be expected that both governments will continue to invest in this essential component of the bilateral relationship.
Conclusion
From an economic standpoint, it appears that Australia will become less relevant to Indonesia as the Indonesian economy grows. Australia’s small population in comparison to the countries of South-East Asia means that bilateral trade will reflect that decline as Indonesia looks elsewhere to expand its export markets. While IA-CEPA will help to boost bilateral trade, it is unlikely to shift Indonesian priorities away from larger, faster growing, markets.
The defence relationship, on the other hand, is a different story. With Australia operating one of the most capable navies in the Asia-Pacific, maritime co-operation with Canberra is a valuable resource for Jakarta in its struggle to maintain the security of its vast expanse of archipelagic waters. While there are opportunities for closer ties through defence exports, the strongest linkages lie in police-to-police co-operation aimed at tackling terrorism in the region. Over time, those linkages will hopefully become even stronger and set a precedent for closer ties in other aspects of the bilateral relationship.

*****
[1] Data taken from Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
[2] Chalk, P., ‘The Maritime Dimension of International Security: Terrorism, Piracy and Challenges for the United States’, Rand Corporation, 2008, p. 12.
[3] Chow, J.T., ‘ASEAN Counterterrorism Co-operation Since 9/11’, Asian Survey, Vol. 45, № 2, p. 304.

Any opinions or views expressed in this paper are those of the individual author, unless stated to be those of Future Directions International. 

Published by Future Directions International Pty Ltd.
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https://en.antaranews.com/news/116244/gold-prospectors-demand-reopening-of-gold-stores-in-timika

3) Gold prospectors demand reopening of gold stores in Timika

Reporter:  
Timika, Papua  (ANTARA News) - Thousands of traditional gold prospectors in the Kali Kabur river of Timika, Papua, demanded the reopening of gold shops, which had been the buyers of their gold dust in that area.

The people, members of what they called Forum of Community of Gold Prospectors issued their demand in a rally in front of the office of the Mimika legislative body (DPRD) on Friday.

"We asked the government to immediately find a solution and allow gold shops to operate again here," Simon Rahajaan, chairman of the forum said in Mimika, the municipal town on Friday.

Simon said the traditional gold miners have been in difficulty to find buyers for their gold dust after gold shops were forced to stop operation in that area.

Police closed down small gold shops in that area following the arrest of the owner of Toko Emas Rezki Utama, H Basri, at the Makassar airport recently.

H Basri was arrested for taking a lot of gold bars from Timika, Simon said, adding after the incident other shop owners felt not safe in taking gold they bought from the gold prospectors to be resold outside Timika.

The government has to consider the fate of around 15,000 people of Timika make a living from panning for gold in the Kali Kabur river.

The Kali Kabur river has been a disposal place for mining tailing by PT Freeport Indonesia, a U.S. gold and copper mining company operating in Papua.

"We could not continue this life and feed our children and send them to school unless we could sell our gold dust. We have no other jobs other than panning for gold," Rony Leisubun , a depuity chairman of the Forum.

The people said they are ready to cooperate with the district administration and PT Freeport to uncover who were responsible for the damage caused to the mining pipe of Freeport.

"We gold prospectors panning for gold in the Kali Kabur river are not responsible for damaging the Freeport mining pipe as we have no access to the Freeport area,"Anis Werbetu, anothyer leader of the forum.

Mimika DPRD speaker Elminus Mom said the gold prospectors are free to continue their activities at Kali Kabur river.

"No regulation banning them from continuing their activities. Thousands of people make a living from panning for gold in the river," Elminus said

He also asked the old gold shops to resume their business buying the gold dusts from the traditional gold miners. ***2**

  
Editor: Otniel Tamindael
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